Hitler on Economics Folk Family Children, the JQ, and
Other Issues
A bit of an introduction. We seek here to take some of
the ideas of Adolf Hitler and make them more widely
known among Nationalists.
We have taken selections from various speeches over
about 20 years and patched them into an essay if you
will.
Any failings in selections or ordering are ours and no
other.
God Bless Adolf Hitler. God Bless all the valiant men
who fought against Communism and God Forgive the
Anglos for FIGHTING FOR MARXISM against
Christendom.'
Start: Woe to the Vanquished.
Who will not struggle will perish a slave.
No good can come of a dictated peace; .
A real Volksgemeinschaft (national community) cannot
be established on such a basis.
It would be life unlife and unthinkable for a great
people.
Freedom and life they can take from us, but not honor.
But fret not as hope remains:
Faith can move mountains; faith can also free peoples.
Faith can fortify nations and lead them to rise again,
however humiliated they may have been.
Love too is a power: In the course of my political
struggle, I have been given a great deal of love from my
Volk.
With that -- It will now be our task to devote our labor,
diligence, shared dedication, and joint strength to
solving the great social, cultural and economic
problems.
You are the defense of a Movement that is called one
day to remodel Germany in revolutionary fashion from
its very foundations in order that there may come to
birth what perhaps so many expected on the ninth of
November: a German Reich and a Germanic and, so far
as in us lies, a German Republic.
Every battle must be fought to the end - better that it
come early than late. And he ever stands most securely
who from the first goes to the fight with the greatest
confidence. And this highest confidence we can carry
with us in our hearts. For he who on our side is today
the leader of the German people, God's truth! he has
nothing to win but perhaps only everything to lose. He
who today fights on our side cannot win great laurels,
far less can he win great material goods - it is more
likely that he will end up in jail. He who today is leader
must be an idealist, if only for the reason that he leads
those against whom it would seem that everything has
conspired.
But in that very fact there lies an inexhaustible source of
strength. The conviction that our Movement is not
sustained by money or the lust for gold, but only by our
love for the people, that must ever give us fresh heart,
that must ever fill us with courage for the fray.
And as my last word, take with you this assurance: if
this battle should not come, never would Germany win
peace. Germany would decay and at the best would sink
to ruin like a rotting corpse. But that is not our destiny.
We do not believe that this misfortune which today our
God sends over Germany has no meaning: it is surely
the scourge which should and shall
drive us to a new greatness, to a new power and glory
… We wanted to once again create a State to which
every German can cling in love; to establish a regime to
which everyone can look up with respect; to find laws
which are commensurate with the morality of our Volk;
to install an authority to which each and every man
submits in joyful obedience.
From Birth to Worth:
Whereas in the past, the liberal and intellectualistic
women’s movements included many, many items in
their programs which originated in a so-called intellect,
the program of our National Socialist Women’s
Movement actually contains only a single item, and this
item is: the child, this tiny creature who must come into
being and flourish, who constitutes the sole purpose of
the entire struggle for existence. For what would be the
purpose of our fighting and struggling if there were not
something to come after us which can make use of and
pass on what we attain today for its own benefit and
avail? What else could be the purpose of humanity’s
entire struggle? Why else the worry and the suffering?
For the mere sake of an idea? Only for an idea? Only for
a theory? No, that would not be worth traversing this
earthly vale of tears.
The only thing which allows us to overcome all of that
is shifting, our gaze from the present to the future, away
from ourselves to that which is growing up to follow us.
A few moments ago, I spoke before the youth rally. It is
a glorious thing to look out over this golden youth in the
knowledge that it will one day be Germany when we no
longer exist! It will preserve the sum of what we are
creating and building up. It is for this youth that we are
working. That is the real purpose of the entire struggle!
And in recognizing this, the most elementary and
lapidary goal of Nature, the labors of the two sexes will
logically and rightfully fall into place for us, no longer
in conflict, but in a common fight for the real life.
It is thus that we have strengthened the new National
Socialist Volksgemeinschaft, thus that we have gained,
in millions of women, the most loyal and zealous fellow
fighters. Female fighters for a life together in the service
of together preserving our life. Fighters who fix their
gaze not upon the rights which a Jewish intellectualism
pretends to offer them, but upon the obligations which
Nature has burdened upon us all.
The compensation which National Socialism gives
woman in exchange for her work lies in that it is once
again training men, real men, men who are decent, who
stand erect, who are brave, who love honor. I believe
that when, in the past few days, our healthy, unspoilt
women have watched the marching columns, these
sturdy and faultless young men of the spade, they must
have been saying to themselves: what a healthy,
marvelous race is growing up here! That is also an
achievement which National Socialism has wrought for
the German woman in the scope of its attitude toward
women in general.
The birth of nations is a painful process, just as every
other birth.
I wish only to bid and remind you to perceive the
strength of our Volk in our inner unity of will, in our
unity of spirit and our common way of thinking. Rest
assured that strength is expressed not so much in
divisions, in cannons and in tanks, but that it is
ultimately expressed in the community of a single
Volkswille. And further, may you be imbued with the
conviction that men must be taught this community and
that safeguards must be created for this purpose. Regard
our National Socialist Movement as a great safeguard of
this kind against the spirit of class conflict, class hatred
and class division.
What we do not successfully accomplish with the
present generation we will achieve with the coming one.
For just as doggedly as we have fought and fought again
for the adult man and the adult woman, we shall fight
for German youth. It is growing up in a different world
and will be the first to do its share to build another
world. In our National Socialist Youth Organization, we
have created the school for the education of the
individuals who will people a new German Reich.
With faith in their hearts and a strong sense of purpose,
this youth will one day be a better link in our Volk’s
genealogical chain than we ourselves were and perhaps
can be today.
The national May Day holiday, which we are
celebrating today throughout Germany, plays a special
and enormously significant role in this program of
forming our Volk anew. All of us talk about human
culture and personal achievements, but only very few
perceive in them the joint product of mental and
physical strength.
If we want a strong Germany, you must one day be
strong, too. If we want a powerful Germany, you, too,
must one day be powerful. If we want an honorable
Germany, you must one day uphold this honor. If we
want order in Germany, you must maintain this order. If
we want to once again create a loyal Germany, you
yourselves must learn to be loyal. You are the Germany
of the future, and thus we want you to be what this
Germany of the future must and will be.
Therefore you must also avoid anything which
impressed the stamp of dishonor upon the Germany of
the past. You must cultivate the spirit of the great
community. The German Volksgemeinschaft is anchored
in you. For many centuries, people longed for what has
become reality today. The nation expects you to be
worthy of this great age.
Our People --
If one part of our Volk has come to suffer hardships due
to circumstances for which all are responsible, and the
other part, spared by fate, is willing of its own volition
to take upon itself only a part of this hardship which has
been forcefully imposed upon the other, all we can say
is: a certain amount of hardship should be intentionally
imposed upon a part of our Volk so that this part may
aid in making the hardships of the other more bearable.
The greater the willingness to make such sacrifices, all
the more quickly will the hardships of the other side be
able to be reduced.
Every person must understand that giving only has any
real value, in the sense of bringing about a true
Volksgemeinschaft, when the act of giving involves a
sacrifice on the part of the giver. This is ultimately the
only way to build up the superior solidarity to which we
must aspire if we want to overcome the other solidarity.
When this Volk has correctly grasped the fact that these
measures must mean sacrifice to everyone, then these
measures will not only result in alleviating material
want but will also produce something much more
tremendous-the conviction that this community of the
Volk is not merely an empty phrase, but something
which is really alive. We need this community more
than ever in the difficult struggle of the nation.
What does the enemy say about us?
They say the people are worthless. Why worthless? I
cannot measure a person's worth in terms of his wealth
or his birth, or things like that. All that means nothing, is
not a measure of worth. If today I were to remove a
good-for-nothing who is born wealthy I would do the
nation no harm, but I would if I removed a craftsman or
an intellectual who conscientiously does his duty. The
value of a person depends on the value which his labour
creates. It is not by his own volition that a person
becomes a thinker, musician, great inventor etc. This is
not the result of his individual will but rather a higher
nature endows him with this disposition at birth. A
person may be praised because he is a genius; his
abilities are, however, of no importance if he cannot
make them serve everyone. He can just as well be a
brilliant criminal, good-for- nothing, or as we say in
Bavaria, a"Schwabinger". They are people who live in a
suburb of Munich, a very special kind of person; with a
few exceptions the females are recognizable by their
very short hair and the males by their very long hair.
These brilliant characters from whose midst now and
then brilliant statesmen like Kurt Eisner emerge - if they
did not exist the world would lose nothing. On the other
hand, if I were to remove any street cleaner who
conscientiously sweeps his square meter of street, I
would have to replace him with another street sweeper.
We should judge people according to the abilities with
which nature has endowed them and which they use for
the benefit of the community. This criterion excludes the
accidental factor of high or low birth and gives a person
the freedom to forge his own reputation. Even the most
insignificant person, if he honestly carries out the work
he is given so as to serve the national community
(Volksgemeinschaft), can be replaced by another, but
the community needs his services. If I apply this
criterion I cannot say that the fifteen million people on
the left are worthless. You cannot simply remove them,
you would have to replace them.
Leadership --
(We must as a nation with) good intentions, ennoble the
socioiogical concept of the worker and raise the status
of an honorary title for labor. This patent of nobility
alone puts the soldier and the peasant, the merchant and
the academician, the worker and the capitalist under
oath to take the only possible direction in which all
purposeful German striving must be headed: towards
the nation.
Only when everything that happens within the entire
German community happens with a view to the whole
does the whole, in the changing currents of political
effects, in turn become capable of taking on the positive
and productive leadership of all of the individual units,
classes and conditions.
Leadership is always based upon the free will and good
intentions of those being led. My doctrine of the Führer
concept is therefore quite the opposite of what the
Bolshevists like to present it as being: the doctrine of a
brutal dictator who triumphs over the destruction of the
values of private life. Thus as Reich Chancellor I am not
discontinuing my activities as a public educator; on the
contrary: I am using every means provided by the State
and its power to publish and make known my every
word and deed with the goal of winning the public with
this openness for every single decision of my national
will by proof and conviction. And I am doing this
because I believe in the creative power and the creative
contribution of the Volk.
On the day when we founded our National Socialist
movement we were already convinced that the fate of
the individual German is inseparably linked with the
fate of the entire nation. If Germany is ruined the
worker cannot prosper in favorable social conditions nor
can the entrepreneur; and neither will the farmer be able
to save himself nor the middle class. No, the ruin of the
Reich, the collapse of the nation means the ruin and
destruction of us all! No one confession and not a single
German tribe (Stamm) will escape the fate which will
overtake us collectively.
On the day when the National Socialist movement was
founded we had long since realized that it was not the
proletariat which would triumph over the middle class,
nor the middle class which would triumph over the
proletariat. In the end it would be the international
financiers alone who would triumph over both. And this
is precisely what has happened!
Recognizing this process of decay thirteen years ago I
and a handful of others formed a new movement, whose
very name is intended to proclaim the new national
community. Socialism cannot exist unless it is served by
the power of the intellect, nor can there be social
wellbeing
unless it is protected and its existence ensured by
the strength of a nation. And there can be no nation and
thus no nationalism unless the millions of intellectual
workers are joined by the millions of manual laborers
and the millions of farm workers.
There are two things which can unite men: common
ideals and common criminality. We have inscribed upon
our banner the great Germanic ideal and for that ideal
we will fight to the last drop of our blood. We National
Socialists have realized that from the international
cesspool of infamy, from the Berlin of today, nothing
can come to save the Fatherland. We know that two
things alone will save us: first, the end of internal
corruption, the cleansing out of all those who owe their
existence simply to the protection of their party
comrades. Through the most brutal ruthlessness towards
all party officials we must restore our finances. It must
be proved that the official is not a party man, but a
specialist! The body of German officials must once
more become what once it was. But the second and the
most important point is that the day must come when a
German government shall summon up the courage to
declare to the Foreign Powers: 'The Treaty of Versailles
is founded on a monstrous lie. We refuse to carry out its
terms any longer. Do what you will! If you wish for war,
go and get it! Then we shall see whether you can turn
seventy million Germans into serfs and slaves!'
If cowards cry out: 'But we have no arms!' that is neither
here nor there! When the whole German people knows
one will and one will only - to be free - in that hour we
shall have the instrument with which to win our
freedom. It matters not whether these weapons of ours
are humane: if they gain us our freedom, they are
justified before our conscience and before our God.
When the eyes of German children look questioning
into ours, when we see the suffering and distress of
millions of our fellow-countrymen who without any
fault of theirs have fallen into this frightful misfortune,
then we laugh at the curses of the whole world, if from
these curses there issues the freedom of our race.
But since we know that today the German people
consists for one-third of heroes, for another third of
cowards, while the rest are traitors, as a condition of our
freedom in respect of the outside world we would first
cleanse our domestic life. The present 'United Front' has
failed in that task. The day of another 'United Front' will
come. But before that there must be a day of reckoning
for those who for four and a half years have led us on
their criminal ways. The domestic battle must come
before the battle with the world without - the final
decision between those who say 'We are Germans and
proud of the fact' and those who do not wish to be
Germans or who are not Germans at all. Our Movement
is opposed with the cry 'The Republic is in danger!'
Your Republic of the Ninth of November? In very truth
it is: the November-Republic is in danger! How long,
think you, you can maintain this 'State? . . .
Our Movement was not formed with any election in
view, but in order to spring to the rescue of this people
as its last help in the hour of greatest need, at the
moment when in fear and despair it sees the approach of
the Red Monster. The task of our Movement is still
today not to prepare ourselves for any coming election
but to prepare for the coming collapse of the Reich, so
that when the old trunk falls the young fir-tree may be
already standing. The Via dolorosa of Germany from
Wirth, by way of Cuno to Stresemann, will end in the
dictatorship of a Jewish lord of finance.... WE WANT
TO BE THE SUPPORTERS OF THE DICTATORSHIP
OF NATIONAL REASON, OF NATIONAL ENERGY,
OF NATIONAL
BRUTALITY AND RESOLUTION. GERMANY CAN
BE SAVED ONLY THROUGH ACTION, WHEN
THROUGH OUR TALKING HERE THE BANDAGE
HAS BEEN TORN FROM THE EYES OF THE LAST
OF THE BEFOOLED.
They do not understand that today it is more than ever
necessary in our thoughts as Nationalists to avoid
anything which might perhaps cause the individual to
think that the National Idea was identical with petty
everyday political views. They ought day by day to din
into the ears of the masses: 'We want to bury all the
petty differences and to bring out into the light the big
things, the things we have in common which bind us to
one another. That should weld and fuse together those
who have still a German heart and a love for their
people in the fight against the common hereditary foe of
all Aryans. How afterward we divide up this State,
friends - we have no wish to dispute over that! The form
of a State results from the essential character of a
people, results from necessities which are so elementary
and powerful that in time every individual will realize
them without any disputation when once all Germany is
united and free.'
Certainly a government needs power, it needs strength.
It must, I might almost say, with brutal ruthlessness
press through the ideas which it has recognized to be
right, trusting to the actual authority of its strength in
the State. But even with the most ruthless brutality it
can ultimately prevail only if what it seeks to restore
does truly correspond to the welfare of a whole people.
And because of the movements connection to the People
--
It is from our Movement that
redemption will come - that today is the feeling of
millions. That has become almost a new religious faith!
And there will be only two possibilities: either Berlin
marches and ends up in Munich, or Munich marches
and ends up in Berlin! A bolshevist North Germany and
a nationalist Bavaria cannot exist side by side, and the
greatest influence upon the fortunes of the German
Reich will be his who shall restore the Reich.... Either
Germany sinks, and we through our despicable
cowardice sink with it, or else we dare to enter on the
fight against death and devil and rise up against the fate
that has been planned for us. THEN WE SHALL SEE
WHICH IS THE STRONGER: THE SPIRIT OF
INTERNATIONAL JEWRY OR THE WILL OF
GERMANY.
Some principles –
Common Good over Selfish Interests
And
Break the Bonds of Usury ... War to the knife with the
enemies of the Race and Nation.
There are two principles which, when we founded the
Movement, we engraved upon our hearts: first, to base it
on the most sober recognition of the facts, and second,
to proclaim these facts with the most ruthless sincerity.
And this recognition of the facts discloses at once a
whole series of the most important fundamental
principles which must guide this young Movement
which, we hope, is destined one day for greatness:
1. 'NATIONAL' AND 'SOCIAL' ARE TWO
IDENTICAL CONCEPTIONS. It was only the Jew who
succeeded, through falsifying the social idea and turning
it into Marxism, not only in divorcing the social idea
from the national, but in actually representing them as
utterly contradictory. That aim he has in fact achieved.
At the founding of this Movement we formed the
decision that we would give expression to this idea of
ours of the identity of the two conceptions: despite all
warnings, on the basis of what we had come to believe,
on the basis of the sincerity of our will, we christened it
''National Socialist.' We said to ourselves that to be
'national' means above everything to act with a
boundless and all-embracing love for the people and, if
necessary, even to die for it. And similarly to be 'social'
means so to build up the state and the community of the
people that every individual acts in the interest of the
community of the people and must be to such an extent
convinced of the goodness, of the honorable
straightforwardness of this community of the people as
to be ready to die for it.
But to die with meaning we must know the history for
which we live our lives.
Before 1914 there were two States above all, Germany
and Russia, which
prevented the Jew from reaching his goal - the mastery
of the world. Here
not everything which they already possessed in the
Western democracies
had fallen to the Jews. Here they were not the sole lords
alike in the
intellectual and economic life. Here, too, the
Parliaments were not yet
exclusively instruments of Jewish capital and of the will
of the Jew. The
German and the genuine Russian had still preserved a
certain aloofness
from the Jew. In both peoples there still lived the
healthy instinct of scorn
for the Jew ..
WWI?
THUS IT WAS THAT JUDAH
WON THE WORLD WAR. OR WOULD YOU WISH
TO MAINTAIN
THAT THE FRENCH, THE ENGLISH, OR THE
AMERICAN 'PEOPLE'
WON THE WAR? THEY, ONE AND ALL, VICTORS
AND
VANQUISHED ARE ALIKE DEFEATED: one thing
raises itself above
them all: the World Stock Exchange which has become
the master of the
people. ... For the murderers of our Fatherland who all
the years through
have betrayed and sold Germany, they are the same men
who, as the
November criminals, have plunged us into the depths of
misfortune. We
have the duty to speak since in the near future, when we
have gained
power, we shall have the further duty of taking these
creators of ruin, these
clouts, these traitors to their State and of hanging them
on the gallows to
which they belong. Only let no one think that in them
there has come a
change of heart. ...
EVEN TODAY WE ARE THE LEAST LOVED
PEOPLE ON EARTH. A
world of foes is ranged against us and the German must
still today make up
his mind whether he intends to be a free soldier or a
white slave. THE
ONLY POSSIBLE CONDITIONS UNDER WHICH A
GERMAN STATE
CAN DEVELOP AT ALL MUST THEREFORE BE:
THE UNIFICATION
OF ALL GERMANS IN EUROPE, education towards a
national
consciousness, and readiness to place the whole national
strength without
exception in the service of the nation. ... DESTINIES
OF PEOPLES COULD BE DETERMINED NEITHER
THROUGH MAJORITY DECISIONS NOR
THROUGH TREATIES,
BUT ONLY THROUGH BLOOD AND IRON.
On one point there should be no doubt: we will not let
the Jews slit our
gullets and not defend ourselves.
Who yields voluntarily? No one! So the strength which
each people possesses decides the day. ALWAYS
BEFORE GOD AND
THE WORLD THE STRONGER HAS THE RIGHT
TO CARRY
THROUGH WHAT HE WILLS.
History proves: He who has not the strength - him the
'right in itself' profits
not a whit. A world court without a world police would
be a joke. And from
what nations of the present League of Nations would
then this force be
recruited? Perhaps from the ranks of the old German
Army? THE WHOLE
WORLD OF NATURE IS A MIGHTY STRUGGLE
BETWEEN
STRENGTH AND WEAKNESS - AN ETERNAL
VICTORY OF THE
STRONG OVER THE WEAK. There would be nothing
but decay in the
whole of Nature if this were not so. States which should
offend against the
elementary law would fall into decay.
We ask: 'Must there be wars?' The
pacifist answers 'No!' He proceeds to explain that
disputes in the life of
peoples are only the expression of the fact that a class
has been oppressed
by the ruling bourgeoisie. When there are in fact
differences of opinion
between peoples, then these should be brought before a
'Peace Court' for its
decision. But he does not answer the question whether
the judges of this
court of arbitration would have the power to bring the
parties before the bar
of the court. I believe that an accused ordinarily only
appears 'voluntarily'
before a court because, if he did not, he would be
fetched there.
I should like to see the nation which would allow itself
to be brought before
this League of Nations Court in the case of a
disagreement without external
force. In the life of nations, what in the last resort
decides questions is a
kind of Judgment Court of God.
...IN THE Bible we find the text, 'That which is neither
hot nor cold will I
spew out of my mouth.' This utterance of the great
Nazarene has kept its
profound validity until the present day. He who would
pursue the golden
mean must surrender the hope of achieving the great
and the greatest aims.
Until the present day the half-hearted and the lukewarm
have remained the
curse of Germany....
To the half-heartedness and weakness of the parties in
Parliament was
added the half-heartedness of Governments...
Everything stood under the
sign of half-heartedness and lukewarmness ... The
people, inwardly united in the hard struggle-in the
trenches there were neither parties nor Confessions-has
been torn asunder through the economics of profiteers
and knaves. Appeasement and the settlement of
differences would certainly soon be there if only one
were to hang the whole crew. But profiteers and knaves
are, of course, 'Citizens of the State,' and what is more
important still; they are adherents of the religion, which
is hallowed by the Talmud.
My entire energy was devoted from the beginning to
overcoming the leadership of the state by parties
What are the needed conditons:
No salvation is possible until the bearer of disunion, the
Jew, has been
rendered powerless to harm.
1. We must call to account the November criminals of
1918. It cannot be
that two million Germans should have fallen in vain and
that afterwards
one should sit down as friends at the same table with
traitors. No, we do not
pardon, we demand - Vengeance!
2. The dishonoring of the nation must cease. For
betrayers of their
Fatherland and informers the gallows is the proper
place. Our streets and
squares shall once more bear the names of our heroes;
they shall not be
named after Jews. In the Question of Guilt we must
proclaim the truth.
3. The administration of the State must be cleared of the
rabble which is
fattened at the stall of the parties.
4. The present laxity in the fight against usury must be
abandoned. Here the
fitting punishment is the same as that for the betrayers
of their Fatherland.
5. WE MUST DEMAND A GREAT
ENLIGHTENMENT ON THE
SUBJECT OF THE PEACE TREATY. WITH
THOUGHTS OF LOVE?
NO! BUT IN HOLY HATRED AGAINST THOSE
WHO HAVE RUINED
US.
6. The lies which would veil from us our misfortunes
must cease. The fraud
of the present money-madness must be shown up. That
will stiffen the
necks of us all.
7. AS FOUNDATION FOR A NEW CURRENCY THE
PROPERTY OF
THOSE WHO ARE NOT OF OUR BLOOD MUST DO
SERVICE. If
families who have lived in Germany for a thousand
years are now
expropriated, we must do the same to the Jewish
usurers.
8. WE DEMAND IMMEDIATE EXPULSION OF ALL
JEWS WHO
HAVE ENTERED GERMANY SINCE 1914, and of all
those, too, who
through trickery on the Stock Exchange or through other
shady transactions
have gained their wealth.
9. The housing scarcity must be relieved through
energetic action; houses
must be granted to those who deserve them. Eisner said
in 1918 that we had
no right to demand the return of our prisoners - he was
only saying openly
what all Jews were thinking. People who so think must
feel how life tastes
in a concentration camp!
Extremes must be fought by extremes. Against the
infection of materialism,
against the Jewish pestilence we must hold aloft a
flaming ideal. And if
others speak of the World and Humanity we say the
Fatherland - and only
The Problem: the Jewish-capitalist enemy of the world
facing us knows but one goal-to destroy Germany, to
destroy our German Volk! Our foes may strive to
disguise their intention beneath phraseology, but this
does nothing to deter them from the pursuit of this goal!
The begining of a SOLUTION:
First things first --
NO ECONOMIC POLICY IS POSSIBLE WITHOUT A
SWORD, no
industrialization without power. Today we have no
longer any sword
grasped in our fist-how can we have a successful
economic policy?
England has fully recognized this primary maxim in the
healthy life of
States; for centuries England has acted on the principle
of converting
economic strength into political power, while
conversely political power in
its turn must protect economic life.
Economics is a secondary matter. World history teaches
us that no people became great through economics: it
was economics that brought them to their ruin. A people
died when its race was disintegrated. Germany, too, did
not become great through economics.
A people that in its own life [volkisch] has lost honor
becomes politically defenseless, and then becomes
enslaved also in the economic sphere.
Internationalization today means only Judaization. We
in Germany have come to this: that a sixty-million
people sees its destiny to lie at the will of a few dozen
Jewish bankers. This was possible only because our
civilization had first been Judaized. The undermining of
the German conception of personality by catchwords
had begun long before. Ideas such as 'Democracy,'
'Majority,' 'Conscience of the World,' 'World Solidarity,'
'World Peace,' 'Internationality of Art,' etc., disintegrate
our race-consciousness, breed cowardice, and so today
we are bound to say that the simple Turk is more man
than we are.
No salvation is possible until the bearer of disunion, the
Jew, has been rendered powerless to harm.
For liberation something more is
necessary than an economic policy, something more
than industry: IF A
PEOPLE IS TO BECOME FREE IT NEEDS PRIDE
AND WILLPOWER,
DEFIANCE, HATE, HATE, AND ONCE AGAIN
HATE....
The spirit comes not down from above, that spirit which
is to purify
Germany, which with its iron besom is to purify the
great sty of democracy.
To do that is the task of our Movement. The Movement
must not rust away
in Parliament, it must not spend itself in superfluous
battles of words, but
the banner with the white circle and the black Swastika
will be hoisted over
the whole of Germany on the day which shall mark the
liberation of our
whole people.
For us there are only two
possiblities: either we remain German or we come under
the
thumb of the Jews. This latter must not occur; even if
we are
small, we are a force. A well-organized group can
conquer a
strong enemy. If you stick close together and keep
bringing
in new people, we will be victorious over the Jews.
should the international Jewry of finance
(Finanzjudentum) succeed, both within and beyond
Europe, in plunging mankind into yet another world
war, then the result will not be a Bolshevization of the
earth and the victory of Jewry, but the annihilation
(Vernichtung) of the Jewish race in Europe. Thus, the
days of propagandist impotence of the non-Jewish
peoples are over.
National Socialist Germany and Fascist Italy possess
institutions which, if necessary, permit opening the eyes
of the world to the true nature of this problem.
Many a people is instinctively aware of this, albeit not
scientifically versed in it.
At this moment, the Jews are still propagating their
campaign of hatred in certain states under the cover of
press, film, radio, theater, and literature, which are all in
their hands. Should indeed this one Volk attain its goal
of prodding masses of millions from other peoples to
enter into a war devoid of all sense for them, and
serving the interests of the Jews exclusively, then the
effectiveness of an enlightenment will once more
display its might. Within Germany, this enlightenment
conquered Jewry utterly in the span of a few years.
Peoples desire not to perish on the battlefield just so that
this rootless, internationalist race can profit financially
from this war and thereby gratify its lust for vengeance
derived from the Old Testament. The Jewish watchword
“Proletarians of the world, unite!” will be conquered by
a far more lofty realization, namely: “Creative men of
all nations, recognize your common foe!”
Soviets as Jewish: While now in Soviet Russia the
millions are ruined and are
dying, Chicherin - and with him a staff of over 200
Soviet
Jews - travels by express train through Europe, visits the
cabarets, watches naked dancers perform for his
pleasure,
lives in the finest hotels, and does himself better than
the
millions whom once you thought you must fight as
'bourgeois.'
The 400 Soviet Commissars of Jewish nationality - they
do
not suffer; the thousands upon thousands of sub-
Commissars -they do not suffer. No! all the treasures
which
the 'proletarian' in his madness took from the
'bourgeoise' in order to fight so-called capitalism - they
have
all gone into their hands. Once the worker appropriated
the
purse of the landed proprietor who gave him work, he
took
the rings, the diamonds and rejoiced that he had now got
the treasures which before only the
'bourgeoisie' possessed. But in his hands they are dead
things - they are veritable death-gold. They are no profit
to
him. He is banished into his wilderness and one cannot
feed
oneself on diamonds. For a morsel of bread he gives
millions
in objects of value. But the bread is in the hands of the
State Central Organization and this is in the hands of the
Jews: so everything, everything that the common man
thought that he was winning for himself, flows back
again to
his seducers.
On the Right: In the first place the Right still fails to
recognize the danger.
These gentlemen still persist in believing that it is a
question of being elected to a Landtag or of posts as
ministers or secretaries. They think that the decision of a
people's destiny would mean at worst nothing more than
some damage to their so-called bourgeois-economic
existence. They have never grasped the fact that this
decision threatens their heads. They have never yet
understood that it is not necessary to be an enemy of the
Jew for him to drag you one day, on the Russian model,
to
the scaffold. They do not see that it is quite enough to
have
a head on your shoulders and not to be a Jew: that will
secure the scaffold for you.
In consequence their whole action today is so petty, so
limited, so hesitating and pusillanimous. They would
like to -
but they can never decide on any great deed, because
they
fail to realize the greatness of the whole period.
,,,
AND THE RIGHT HAS FURTHER COMPLETELY
FORGOTTEN
THAT
DEMOCRACY IS FUNDAMENTALLY NOT
GERMAN: IT IS
JEWISH.
And finally it has been forgotten that the condition
which
must precede every act is the will and the courage to
speak
the truth
It has completely forgotten that this Jewish democracy
with
its majority decisions has always been without
exception
only a means towards the destruction of any existing
Aryan
leadership. The Right does not understand that directly
every small question of profit or loss is regularly put
before
so-called 'public opinion,' he who knows how most
skilfully
to make this 'public opinion' serve his own interests
becomes forthwith master in the State. And that can be
achieved by the man who can lie most artfully, most
infamously; and in the last resort he is not the German,
he
is, in Schopenhauer's words, 'the great master in the art
of
lying' - the Jew.
Economic Jewry:
And if you say 'But there must after all be a difference
between the honest creators and those who do nothing at
all' - certainly there must! That is the difference which
lies in
the performance of the conscientious work of the
individual.
Work must be the great connecting link, but at the same
time the great factor which separates one man from
another. The drone is the foe of us all. But the creators -
it
matters not whether they are brain workers or workers
with
the hand - they are the nobility of our State, they are the
German people!
We understand under the term 'work' exclusively that
activity which not only profits the individual but in no
way
harms the community, nay rather which contributes to
form
the community.
3. And in the third place IT WAS CLEAR TO US THAT
THIS
PARTICULAR VIEW IS BASED ON AN IMPULSE
WHICH
SPRINGS
FROM OUR RACE AND FROM OUR BLOOD. We
said to
ourselves that race differs from race and, further, that
each
race in accordance with its fundamental demands shows
externally certain specific tendencies, and these
tendencies
can perhaps be most clearly traced in their relation to
the
conception of work. The Aryan regards work as the
foundation for the maintenance of the community of
people
amongst it members. The Jew regards work as the
means to
the exploitation of other peoples. The Jew never works
as a
productive creator without the great aim of becoming
the
master. He works unproductively using and enjoying
other
people's work.
And thus we understand the iron sentence which
Mommsen
once uttered:
'The Jew is the ferment of decomposition in peoples,'
that
means that the Jew destroys and must destroy because
he
completely lacks the conception of an activity which
builds
up the life of the community. And therefore it is beside
the
point whether the individual Jew is 'decent' or not. In
himself
he carries those characteristics which Nature has given
him,
and he cannot ever rid himself of those characteristics.
And
to us he is harmful. Whether he harms us consciously or
unconsciously, that is not our affair. We have
consciously to
concern ourselves for the welfare of our own people.
Freedom from Usury:
We are absolutely convinced that an indispensable
prerequisite for remedying the international commercial
crisis is the introduction of a stable monetary system.
Such a course would permit the transformation of a
prehistoric system of exchange into a free and modern
commercial system Moreover, the National Socialist
Government is resolved that under no circumstances
will it be drawn into the old commercial system of
creating debts, but that it will rigidly abide by the
principle of
importing from abroad only up to the value of the goods
that it sells abroad. If certain individuals should feel
distressed because they cannot purchase this or that
article of luxury, or even some useful object or other,
because we have not imported it for them, our answer to
such worthy compatriots is: We are troubled enough as
things are with the problem of feeding the German
people. As long as we cannot be perfectly assured that
the necessities of life are at hand for every single
member of the community, we are not interested in the
question whether this or that article of luxury might be
imported.
. IT POINTS ME TO THE MAN WHO ONCE IN
LONELINESS, SURROUNDED ONLY BY A FEW
FOLLOWERS,
RECOGNIZED THESE JEWS FOR WHAT THEY
WERE AND
SUMMONED MEN TO THE FIGHT AGAINST
THEM AND WHO,
GOD'S TRUTH! WAS GREATEST NOT AS
SUFFERER BUT AS
FIGHTER. In boundless love as a Christian and as a
man I
read through the passage which tells us how the Lord at
last
rose in His might and seized the scourge to drive out of
the
Temple the brood of vipers and of adders. How terrific
was
His fight for the world against the Jewish poison. Today,
after
two thousand years, with deepest emotion I recognize
more
profoundly than ever before - the fact that it was for this
that He had to shed His blood upon the Cross. As a
Christian
I have no duty to allow myself to be cheated, but I have
the
duty to be a fighter for truth and justice. And as a man I
have the duty to see to it that human society does not
suffer the same catastrophic collapse as did the
civilization
of the ancient world some two thousand years ago - a
civilization which was driven to its ruin through this
same
Jewish people.
Then indeed when Rome collapsed there were endless
streams of new German bands flowing into the Empire
from
the North; but, if Germany collapses today, who is there
to
come after us? German blood upon this earth is on the
way
to gradual exhaustion unless we pull ourselves together
and
make ourselves free!
And if there is anything which could demonstrate that
we
are acting rightly, it is the distress which daily grows.
For as
a Christian I have also a duty to my own people. And
when I
look on my people I see it work and work and toil and
labor,
and at the end of the week it has only for its wage
wretchedness and misery. When I go out in the morning
and
see these men standing in their queues and look into
their
pinched faces, then I believe I would be no Christian,
but a
ery devil, if I felt no pity for them, if I did not, as did
our
Lord two thousand years ago, turn against those by
whom
today this poor people is plundered and exploited.
And through the distress there is no doubt that the
people
has been aroused.
Externally perhaps apathetic, but within there is
ferment.
And many may say, 'It is an accursed crime to stir up
passions in the people.' And then I say to myself:
Passion is
already stirred through the rising tide of distress, and
one
day this passion will break out in one way or another:
AND
NOW I WOULD ASK THOSE WHO TODAY CALL
US
'AGITATORS': 'WHAT
THEN HAVE YOU TO GIVE TO THE PEOPLE AS A
FAITH TO
WHICH IT MIGHT CLING?'
Nothing at all, for you yourselves have no faith in your
own
prescriptions.
That is the mightiest thing which our Movement must
create: for these widespread, seeking and straying
masses a
new Faith which will not fail
them in this hour of confusion, to which they can pledge
themselves, on which they can build so that they may at
least find once again a place which may bring calm to
their
hearts.
The Battle and its scope in time and place ...
IT IS a battle which began nearly 120 years ago, at the
moment when the Jew was granted citizen rights in the
European States. The political emancipation of the Jews
was
the beginning of an attack of delirium. For thereby they
were given full citizen rights and equality to a people
which
was much more clearly and definitely a race apart than
all
others, that has always formed and will form a State
within
the State. That did not happen perhaps at one blow, but
it
came about as things come about today and always do
come about: first a little finger, then a second and a
third,
and so bit by bit until at last a people that in the
eighteenth
century still appeared completely alien had won equal
citizen-rights with ourselves.
And it was precisely the same in the economic sphere.
The
vast process of the industrialization of the peoples
meant
the confluence of great masses of workmen in the
towns.
Thus great hordes of people arose, and these, more's the
pity, were not properly dealt with by those whose moral
duty it was to concern themselves for their welfare.
Parallel
with this was a gradual
'moneyfication' of the whole of the nation's
laborstrength.
'Share-capital'
was in the ascendant, and thus bit by bit the Stock
Exchange came to control the whole national economy.
The directors of these institutions were, and are without
exception, Jews. I say 'without exception,' for the few
non-
Jews who had a share in them are in the last resort
nothing
but screens, shop-window Christians, whom one needs
in
order, for the sake of the masses, to keep up the
appearance that these institutions were after all founded
as
a natural outcome of the needs and the economic life of
all
peoples alike, and were not, as was the fact, institutions
which correspond only with the essential characteristics
of
the Jewish people and are the outcome of those
characteristics.
to divide into two halves, into West Europe and Central
and
Eastern Europe. At first Western Europe took the lead in
the
process of industrialization. Especially in England
crowds of
farm laborers, sons of farmers, or even ruined farmers
themselves, streamed into the towns and there formed a
new fourth estate.
But here one fact is of more importance than we are
accustomed to admit: this England, like France, had
relatively few Jews. And the consequence of that was
that
the great masses, concentrated in the towns, did not
come
into immediate contact with this alien nation, and thus
feelings of aversion which must otherwise necessarily
have
arisen did not find sufficient nourishment for their
development. In the end the fifty or sixty thousand Jews
in
England - there was hardly that number in England then
-
with
supreme ease were able so to 'Europeanize' themselves
that
they remained hidden from the primitive eye of the
ordinary
member of the public and as
'Captains of Industry,' and especially as representatives
of
capital on a large scale, they could appear no longer as
foreigners but themselves became Englishmen.
This accounts for the fact that anti-Semitism in these
States
could never attain to any native vigor; for the same is
true
of France. And precisely for this reason in these
countries it
was possible to introduce the system which we have to
represent to ourselves under the concept of 'Democracy.'
There it was possible to create a State-form whose
meaning
could only be the mastery of the herd over the
intelligentsia,
the mastery over true energy through the dead weight of
massed numbers. In other words: it must be supremely
easy
for the Jewish intelligentsia, small in numbers and
therefore
completely hidden in the body of the British people, so
to
work upon the masses that the latter, quite unconscious
of
whom they were obeying, in the end did but serve the
purposes of this small stratum of society.
Through the press propaganda, through the use of the
organs of information, it was possible in England to
found
the great model parties.
Already in those early days they saw to it shrewdly that
here
were always two or three groups apparently hostile to
each
other, but in fact all hanging on a gold thread, the whole
designed to take account of a human characteristic - that
the longer a man possesses an object, the more readily
he
grows tired of it. He craves something new: therefore
one
needs two parties. The one is in office, the other in
opposition. When the one has played itself out, then the
opposition party comes into power, and the party which
has
had its day is now in its turn the opposition. After
twenty
years the new party itself has once more played itself
out
and the game begins afresh. In truth this is a highly
ingenious mill in which the interests of a nation are
ground
very small. As everyone knows, this system is given
some
such name as 'Self-Government of a People.'
Besides this we always find two great catchwords,
'Freedom'
and
'Democracy,' used, I might say, as signboards.
'Freedom':
under that term is understood, at least amongst those in
authority who in fact carry on the Government, the
possibility of an unchecked plundering of the masses of
the
people to which no resistance can be offered. The
masses
themselves naturally believe that under the term
'freedom'
they possess the right to a quite peculiar freedom of
motion
- freedom to move the tongue and to say what they
choose,
freedom to move about the streets, etc. A bitter
deception!
And the same is true of democracy. In general even in
the
early days both England and France had already been
bound
with the fetters of slavery.
With, I might say, a brazen security these States are
fettered with Jewish chains....
The master-stroke of the Jew was to claim the
leadership of the fourth estate: he founded the
Movement both of the Social Democrats and the
Communists. His policy was twofold: he had his
'apostles' in both political camps. Amongst the parties of
the Right he encouraged those features which were most
repugnant to the people - the passion for money,
unscrupulous methods in trade which were employed so
ruthlessly as to give rise to the proverb 'Business, too,
marches over corpses.' And the Jew attacked the parties
of the Right. Jews wormed their way into the families of
the upper classes: it was from the Jews that the latter
took their wives. The result was that in a short time it
was precisely the ruling class which became in its
character completely estranged from its own people.
It is clear that a nation's economic life depends upon the
strength of a national State: it does not live on such
phrases as 'Appeasement of the peoples' or 'Freedom of
the Peoples.'
At the moment when no people supports the economic
life of a nation, ready to give it its protection, at that
moment economic life collapses. The breaking in pieces
of a nation's strength is the end of a nation's prosperity,
the national existence must cease altogether.
And one can see constantly how wonderfully the Stock
Exchange Jew and the leader of the workers, how the
Stock Exchange organ and the journal of the workers,
co-operate. They both pursue one common policy and a
single aim. Moses Kohn on the one side encourages his
association to refuse the workers' demands, while his
brother Isaac in the factory incites the masses and
shouts, 'Look at them! they only want to oppress you!
Shake off your fetters....'
His brother takes care that the fetters are well and truly
forged. The Stock Exchange organ seeks without
intermission to encourage fevered speculation and
unparalleled corners in grain and in the food of the
people, while the workmen's newspaper lets off all its
guns on the masses, telling them that bread is dearer and
this, that, and the other is dearer: up Proletarians!
endure it no longer-down with . . .
How long can this process last? It means the utter
destruction not only of economic life, but of the people.
It is clear that all these apostles who talk their tongues
out of their heads, but who spend the night in the Hotel
Excelsior, travel in express trains, and spend their leave
for their health in Nice - these people do not exert their
energies for love of the people. No, the people is not to
profit, it shall merely be brought into dependence on
these men. The backbone of its independence, its own
economic life, is to be destroyed, that it may the more
surely relapse into the golden fetters of the perpetual
interest-slavery of the Jewish race. And this process will
end when suddenly out of the masses someone arises
who seizes the leadership, finds other comrades and
fans into flame the passions which have been held in
check and looses them against the deceivers.
That is the lurking danger, and the Jew can meet it in
one way only - by destroying the hostile national
intelligentsia. That is the inevitable ultimate goal of the
Jew in his revolution. And this aim he must pursue; he
knows well enough his economics brings no blessing:
his is
no master people: he is an exploiter: the Jews are a
people of robbers. He has never founded any
civilization, though he has destroyed civilizations by the
hundred. He possesses nothing of his own creation to
which he can point.
Jew cannot do. And because he cannot do it, therefore
all his revolutions must be 'international.' They must
spread as a pestilence spreads. He can build no State
and say 'See here, Here stands the State, a model for all.
Now copy us!' He must take care that the plague does
not die, that it is not limited to one place, or else in a
short time this plague-hearth would burn itself out. So
he is forced to bring every mortal thing to an
international expansion. For how long? Until the whole
world sinks in ruins and brings him down with it in the
midst of the ruins.
That process today in Russia is practically complete.
The whole of present-day Russia has nothing to show
beyond a ruined civilization, a colony ripe for
development through alien capital, and even this capital
in order to supply resources in labor for its practical
work must introduce Aryan intellects, since for this
again the Jew is useless. Here, too, he is all rapacity,
never satisfied. He knows no ordered economy, he
knows no ordered body of administrators. Over there in
Russia he is laying his hands on everything. They take
the noble's diamonds to help 'the People.' The diamonds
then stray into foreign societies and are no more seen.
He seizes to himself the treasures of the churches, but
not to feed the people: oh no! Everything wanders away
and leaves not a trace behind. In his greed he has
become quite senseless: he can keep hold of nothing: he
has only within him the instinct for destruction, and so
he himself collapses with the treasure that he has
destroyed.
It is a tragic fate: we have often grown excited over the
death of a criminal: if an anarchist is shot in Spain we
raise a mighty howl over 'the sacrifice of valuable
human blood' . . . and here in the East thirty million
human beings are being slowly martyred - done to
death, some on the scaffold, some by machine guns . . .
millions upon millions through starvation.... A whole
people is dying, and now we can perhaps understand
how it was possible that formerly all the civilizations of
Mesopotamia disappeared without a trace so that one
can only with difficulty find in the desert sand the
remains of these cities. We see how in our own day
whole countries die out under this scourge of God, and
we see how this scourge is threatening Germany, too,
and how with us our own people in mad infatuation is
contributing to bring upon itself the same yoke, the
same misery.
Who is behind this?
AND WHY IS EUROPE HOSTILE? WE SEE HOW
OVER THERE IN THIS OTHER EUROPE IT IS NOT
THE PEOPLES WHICH AGITATE AGAINST US, IT
IS THE SECRET POWER OF THE ORGANIZED
PRESS WHICH CEASELESSLY POURS NEW
POISON INTO THE HEARTS OF THESE PEOPLES.
And who are then these bandits of the press? The
brothers and the relatives of the publishers of our own
newspapers. And the capital source which provides the
energy which here - and there - drives them forward is
the Jewish dream of World Supremacy.
The Socialism in National Socialism:
Today all these folk cannot yet belong to a single party,
but, wherever you go, in Germany, yes almost in the
whole world, you find already millions of thinking men
who know that a State can be built only on a social
foundation and they know also that the deadly foe of
every social conception is the international Jew.
Every truly national idea is in the last resort social, i.e.,
he who is prepared so completely to adopt the cause of
his people that he really knows no higher ideal than the
prosperity of this - his own - people, he who has so
taken to heart the meaning of our great song
'Deutschland, Deutschland uber alles,' that nothing in
this world stands for him higher than this Germany,
people and land, land and people, he is a Socialist! And
he who in this people sympathizes with the poorest of
its citizens, who in this people sees in every individual a
valuable member of the whole community, and who
recognizes that this community can flourish only when
it is formed not of rulers and oppressed but when all
according to their capacities fulfill their duty to their
Fatherland and the community of the people and are
valued accordingly, he who seeks to preserve the native
vigor, the strength, and the youthful energy of the
millions of working men, and who above all is
concerned that our precious possession, our youth,
should not before its time be used up in unhealthy
harmful work - he is not merely a Socialist, but he is
also National in the highest sense of that word.
It is the teaching of these facts which appears to the
Jews as leaders of the Revolution today to constitute a
threatening danger. And it is precisely this which more
than anything else makes the Jew wish to get in his
blow as soon as possible. For one thing he knows quite
well: in the last resort there is only one danger which he
has to fear-and that danger is this young Movement.
Socialism in itself is anything but an international
creation.
As a noble conception it has indeed grown up
exclusively in
Aryan hearts: it owes its intellectual glories only to
Aryan
brains. It is entirely alien to the Jew.
The Jew will always be the born champion of private
capital
in its worst form, that of unchecked exploitation....
Voltaire,
as well as Rousseau, together with our German Fichte
and
many another - they are all without exception united in
their
recognition that the Jew is not only a foreign element
differing in his essential character, which is utterly
harmful
to the nature of the Aryan, but that the Jewish people in
itself stands against us as our deadly foe and so will
stand
against us always and for all time.
National Socialism has solved these problems. ... One
of these accomplishments [of National Socialism] is
above all the formation of a leadership of the Volk and
State that is as far removed from parliamentary
democracy as it is from a military dictatorship. In
National Socialism, the Volk has been given the
leadership which, as a party, has not only mobilized but
also organized the nation, and organized it such that the
supremely natural principle of selection would appear to
indicate that the continued existence of a secure political
leadership is guaranteed. And this is perhaps one of the
proudest chapters in the history of the past five years.
And when I now round out this picture of the upswing
of German life which I wish to show you, using only
very few proofs and figures taken from the huge number
available, I can find no closing more splendid than the
one illustrated in our increasing number of births! In the
year 1932, 970,000 children were born. This figure was
increasing annually and reached the mark of 1,270,000
in 1937. All told, since National Socialism took power,
approximately 1,160,000 more children have been
bestowed upon the German Volk! Not only are they a
reason for us to be proud of our German women; they
are also a reason to be grateful to our Providence. To
enable the nation to accomplish its incomparable work
in peace, 1,160,000 young new Volksgenossen were
bestowed upon it in the space of five years, living proof
of
the tremendous work of the National Socialist uplifting
of our Volk and the blessing of our Lord God.
Hitler would not tolerate drag queen story hour:
The National Socialist State is neither prudish nor
hypocritical. Still there are certain fundamental mores
which must be upheld in the interest of preserving the
biological health of the Volk. And we shall not allow
these to be altered. This State prosecutes pederasty and
child abuse as crimes to be punished by the law,
irrespective of who perpetrates them.
Now from people to land: In a lengthy address held on
January 3 at a Convention of the NSDAP on agricultural
policies in Munich, Hitler underlined the special
significance of the peasantry for the National Socialist
Movement. With a certain amount of bluntness, he
proclaimed that the theory of Blut and Boden (blood and
soil) applied not to domestic, but rather to foreign
policy. Here he was referring to the acquisition of new
land and soil which he had propagated in Mein Kampf.
On January 3, Hitler declared in part as follows: The
fulfillment of the fundamental idea of national policy
reawakened by National Socialism which is expressed
in the theory of Blut und Boden will be accompanied by
the most thorough and revolutionary reorganization
which has ever taken place.
Our demand for strengthening the basic racial principles
of our Volk, which this term signifies and which at the
same time includes safeguarding the existence of our
Volk in general, is also the determining factor in all of
the aims of National Socialist domestic and foreign
policy.
Once we have succeeded in purging and regenerating
our Volk, foreign countries will very soon realize that
they are confronted with a different Volk than hitherto.
And thus the prerequisites will be given for putting our
own land and soil in thorough order and securing the
life of the nation on our own for long years to come.
The development in world economics and politics
which automatically leads to an increasing blockade
against our exports in international markets makes a
major, fundamental transposition an absolute necessity.
Even if today’s rulers shut their eyes to this fact, the
chronic cause of our grave economic need and appalling
unemployment is nevertheless an indisputable reality.
Either we eliminate this cause and accomplish the
required reorganization with vigor and energy in good
time, or fate will bring it about by force and destroy our
Volk. If we succeed in putting the basic principle of Blut
und Boden into practice at home and abroad, then for
the first time we, as a Volk, will not be tossed at the
mercy of events, but rather will then master
circumstances on our own.
Just as the peasant who sows each year must believe in
his harvest without knowing whether it may be
destroyed by wind and weather and his work remain
unrewarded, so must we too have the political courage
to do what necessarily must be done-regardless of
whether success is already in sight at the moment or not.
The German peasant in particular will understand even
more of our National Socialist struggle in future than
hitherto. But if the German peasant, the foundation and
life source of our Volk, is saved, then the entire nation
will once again be able to look ahead to the future with
confidence.
what we need if we are to have a real People's State is a
land reform.... We do not believe that the mere dividing
up of the land can by itself bring any alleviation. The
conditions of a nation's life can in the last resort be
bettered only through the political will to expansion.
Therein lies the essential characteristic of a sound
reform.
land [Grund und Boden], we must insist, cannot be
made an object for
speculation. Private property can be only that which a
man has gained for
himself, has won through his work. A natural product is
not private
property, that is national property. Land is thus no object
for bargaining.
Further, there must be a reform in our law. Our present
law regards only the
rights of the individual. It does not regard the protection
of the race, the
protection of the community of the people. It permits
the befouling of the
nation's honor and of the greatness of the nation. A law
which is so far
removed from the conception of the community of the
people is in need of
reform.
Further, changes are needed in our system of education.
We suffer today
from an excess of culture [Ueberbildung] Only
knowledge is valued. But
wiseacres are the enemies of action. What we need is
instinct and will.
Most people have lost both through their 'culture.' We
have, it is true, a
highly intellectual class, but it is lacking in energy. If,
through our
overvaluation of mechanical knowledge, we had not so
far removed
ourselves from popular sentiment, the Jew would never
have found his way
to our people so easily as he has done. What we need is
the possibility of a
continuous succession of intellectual leaders drawn
from the people itself.
Clear away the Jews! Our own people has genius
enough - we need no
Hebrews. If we were to put in their place intelligences
drawn from the great
body of our people, then we should have recovered the
bridge which leads
to the community of the people.
AGAIN, WE NEED A REFORM OF THE GERMAN
PRESS.
A press which is on principle anti-national cannot be
tolerated in Germany.
Whoever denies the nation can have no part in it. We
must demand that the
press shall become the instrument of the national
selfeducation.
FINALLY WE NEED A REFORM IN THE SPHERE
OF ART,
LITERATURE, AND THE THEATER. The
Government must see to it that
its people is not poisoned. There is a higher right which
is based on the
recognition of that which harms a people, and that
which harms a people
must be done away with.
And after this reform we shall come to recognize the
duty of selfpreservation.
A man who says: 'I deny that I have a right to defend my
personal life' has thereby denied his right to exist. TO
BE A PACIFIST
ARGUES A LACK OF CONVICTION, A LACK OF
CHARACTER. For
the pacifist is indeed ready enough to claim the help of
others, but himself
declines to defend himself. It is precisely the same with
a people. A people
which is not prepared to protect itself is a people
without character. We
must recover for our people as one of its most
elementary principles the
recognition of the fact that a man is truly man only if he
defends and
protects himself, that a people deserves that name only
if in case of
necessity it is prepared as a people to enter the lists.
That is not militarism,
that is self-preservation.
THEREFORE WE NATIONAL SOCIALISTS STAND
FOR
COMPULSORY MILITARY SERVICE FOR EVERY
MAN. If a State is
not worth that - then away with it! Then you must not
complain if you are
enslaved. But if you believe that you must be free, then
you must learn to
recognize that no one gives you freedom save only your
own sword. What
our people needs is not leaders in Parliament, but those
who are determined
to carry through what they see to be right before God,
before the world, and
before their own consciences - and to carry that through,
if need be, in the
teeth of majorities. And if we succeed in raising such
leaders from the body
of our people, then around them once again a nation will
crystallize itself...
we shall consolidate the Movement internally as the
source of our power and, in the spirit of the Movement,
we shall continue to inculcate in the minds of the
German people the ideal of a true community ... a
social order which, inasmuch as it brings before the
individuals constituting it the importance of the people
as a whole, thereby creates a sense of duty towards the
community and in that way enhances the life of the
individual.
It generally happens that when a nation more or less
neglects the cultural side of its existence we have a
correspondingly low standard of living and more
widespread poverty. Human progress first began and
continues to develop through a labour-saving procedure
whereby the amount of work hitherto thought
indispensable to produce the necessities of life is
lessened and a portion of it transferred to domains
which are being newly opened and which are accessible
only to a small number of people who are materially and
intellectually equipped for such new energies.
As the embellishment of life, Art follows the same
route. But on that account it cannot by any means be
termed a “capitalist” tendency. On the contrary, all the
great cultural achievements in the history of mankind
have been the product of those forces which spring from
the feeling of communion in the social group, so that
such works may be said to originate in the community
itself. Hence they reflect in their genesis and final form
the spiritual life and ideals of the community.
Germany is Christian at heart:
The National Government perceives in the two
Christian confessions the most important factors for the
preservation of our Volkstum. It will respect any
contracts concluded between these Churches and the
Länder.
Their rights are not to be infringed upon. But the
Government expects and hopes that the task of working
on the national and moral regeneration of our Volk taken
on by the Government will, in turn, be treated with the
same respect.
It will face all of the other confessions with objective
fairness. However, it cannot tolerate that membership in
a certain confession or a certain race could mean being
released from general statutory obligations or even
constitute a license for committing or tolerating crimes
which go unpunished. The Government’s concern lies in
an honest coexistence between Church and State; the
fight against a materialist Weltanschauung and for a
genuine Volksgemeinschaft equally serves both the
interests of the German nation and the welfare of our
Christian faith.
Our legal institutions must above all work to preserve
this Volksgemeinschaft. The irremovability of the
judges on the one hand must ensure a flexibility in their
judgments for the welfare of society on the other.
Not the individual but the Volk as a whole must be the
focal point of legislative efforts. In future, high treason
and betrayal of the Volk (Landes- und Volksverrat) will
be ruthlessly eradicated. The foundations on which the
judiciary is based can be none other than the
foundations on which the nation is based. Thus may the
judiciary always take into consideration the difficult
burden of decision carried by those who bear the
responsibility for shaping the life of the nation under the
harsh dictates of reality.
We certainly cannot conceive of the foundation of the
German State without realising that the States which
had existed in the pre-Christian classical era were
present as prototypes in the mind of Europe at this
particular stage of history. Without these models and
without the common ground of union which was found
in the spiritual teachings of Christianity, the formation
of a German State at that era cannot be imagined. Were
it not for those factors the destiny of Europe and indeed
the rest of the world, as far as concerns the white races,
was then unthinkable and even today we could not
picture it to ourselves.
In contrast to the strongly divergent tendencies of the
various German tribes, Christianity supplied a unifying
principle which organised them in the first community
in which they were in anyway conscious of a common
destiny and which also had an outward and visible form
for them. Thus it furnished a religious and philosophical
basis on which it was possible to organise those tribes
into a political State. Christianity, which supplied the
religious and moral plane on which the German tribes
could be brought together in a higher unity. What had to
disappear did disappear; because our people had to
develop into a distinctly defined and powerful and much
larger political organisation than those various tribal
entities which constituted only a confused and
incoherent mass. Only thus could racial unity be
attained. But this did not last long before a process of
decadence set in here also. For, after Christianity broke
up into conflicting denominations which disintegrated
the religious foundation of the State, the spirit of the
French Revolution undermined the monarchical
foundation.
The Ferment of Decomposition - to use the expression
which Mommsen applied to Judaism - began to
appropriate the idea of a social conscience based on the
racial bond and transformed it into an illogical and
noxious contradiction, which finally took the form of
Marxist socialism.
Our answer is still the same one we gave our internal
enemies of yore. You know, my old Party comrades, that
our victory in 1933 was not an easy one. It was an
incredible struggle that was waged for almost 15 years;
an almost futile struggle. Because you must imagine,
my Party comrades, that we did suddenly receive a large
following from fate. A handful of people started this.
And these people painfully first secured their positions
and then enlarge them. A handful of people turned into
100, then 1,000, and then 10,000 and 100,000 and
finally the first million was reached. And then this
evolved to two million, then three and four. We grew
during an ongoing war against a thousand enemies and
attacks and rapes and breaches of the law, and this
struggle made us strong, internally strong. And so, these
15 years after we took power, we know that this is not a
gift from heaven for someone that has not earned it, but
the reward for a unique struggle, a brave perseverance
in the struggle for power.
And when I, in the year 1933, was given this power and
took responsibility, along with the National Socialist
movement, for the German future, it became clear to me
that freedom would not be given lightly to our people. It
also became clear that the struggle was not finished;
instead, it was being waged on a larger scale. Because
our goal was not the triumph of the National Socialist
movement, but the liberation of our German people.
That was the goal.
Everything I have created since then is geared to this
goal. The Party, the Arbeitsfront, SA, SS, all other
organizations, the Wehrmacht, the army, the air force,
the navy, they exist not just to exist but to help fulfill
our goal. Securing the freedom of our German people
looms above everything else.
We have the strength to conquer that which the autumn
has
brought upon us. Our will is to be National Socialists -
not national in the current sense of the word - not
national by halves. We are National Socialist fanatics,
not dancers on the tight-rope of moderation!
There are three words which many use without a
thought which for us are no catch-phrases: Love, Faith,
and Hope. We National Socialists wish to love our
Fatherland, we wish to learn to love it, to learn to
love it jealously, to love it alone and to suffer no other
idol to stand by its side. We know only one
interest and that is the interest of our people.
We are fanatical in our love for our people, and we are
anxious that so-called 'national governments'
should be conscious of that fact. We can go as loyally as
a dog with those who share our sincerity, but
we will pursue with fanatical hatred the man who
believes that he can play tricks with this love of ours.
We cannot go with governments who look two ways at
once, who squint both towards the Right and
towards the Left. We are straightforward: it must be
either love or hate.
We have faith in the rights of our people, the rights
which have existed time out of mind. We protest
against the view that every other nation should have
rights - and we have none. We must learn to make
our own this blind faith in the rights of our people, in
the necessity of devoting ourselves to the service
of these rights; we must make our own the faith that
gradually victory must be granted us if only we are
fanatical enough. And from this love and from this faith
there emerges for us the idea of hope. When
others doubt and hesitate for the future of Germany - we
have no doubts. We have both the hope and the
faith that Germany will and must once more become
great and mighty.
We have both the hope and the faith that the day will
come on which Germany shall stretch from
Koenigsberg to Strassburg, and from Hamburg to
Vienna.
We have faith that one day Heaven will bring the
Germans back into a Reich over which there shall be
no Soviet star, no Jewish star of David, but above that
Reich there shall be the symbol of German labor -
the Swastika. And that will mean that the first of May
has truly come.
IT IS NOT FOR SEATS
IN PARLIAMENT THAT WE FIGHT, BUT WE WIN
SEATS IN PARLIAMENT IN ORDER THAT
ONE DAY WE MAY BE ABLE TO LIBERATE THE
GERMAN PEOPLE....
Do not write on your banners the word 'Victory': today
that word shall be uttered for the last time. Strike
through the word 'Victory' and write once more in its
place the word which suits us better - the word
'Fight.'
He who will not struggle will perish or become the slave
of those who do.
Fight indeed.
But for What? For Folk. For their Community of Good.
For the Children of our Common Race.
If the first of May is to be transferred in accordance
with ItS true meaning from the life of Nature to the life
of peoples, then it must symbolize the renewal of the
body of a people which has fallen into senility. And in
the life of peoples senility means internationalism. What
is born of senility? Nothing, nothing at all. Whatever in
human civilization has real value, that arose not out of
internationalism, it sprang from the soul of a single
people. When peoples have lost their creative vigor,
then they become international Everywhere, wherever
intellectual incapacity rules in the life of peoples, there
internationalism appears. And it is no chance that the
promoter of this cast of thought is a people which itself
can boast of no real creative force - the Jewish people....
So the first of May can be only a glorification of the
national creative will over against the conception of
international disintegration, of the liberation of the
nation's spirit and of its economic outlook from the
infection of internationalism. That is in the last resort
the question of the restoration to health of peoples . . .
and the question arises: Is the German oak ever destined
to see another springtime? And that is where the mission
of our Movement begins. We have the strength to
conquer that which the autumn has brought upon us.
Our will is to be National Socialists - not national in the
current sense of the word - not national by halves. We
are National Socialist fanatics, not dancers on the
tightrope
of moderation!
There are three words which many use without a
thought which for us are no catch-phrases: Love, Faith,
and Hope. We National Socialists wish to love our
Fatherland, we wish to learn to love it, to learn to love it
jealously, to love it alone and to suffer no other idol to
stand by its side. We know only one interest and that is
the interest of our people.
We are fanatical in our love for our people, and we are
anxious that so-called 'national governments' should be
conscious of that fact. We can go as loyally as a dog
with those who share our sincerity, but we will pursue
with fanatical hatred the man who believes that he can
play tricks with this love of ours. We cannot go with
governments who look two ways at once, who squint
both towards the Right and towards the Left. We are
straightforward: it must be either love or hate.
We have faith in the rights of our people, the rights
which have existed time out of mind. We protest against
the view that every other nation should have rights - and
we have none. We must learn to make our own this
blind faith in the rights of our people, in the necessity of
devoting ourselves to the service of these rights; we
must make our own the faith that gradually victory must
be granted us if only we are fanatical enough. And from
this love and from this faith there emerges for us the
idea of hope. When others doubt and hesitate for the
future of Germany - we have no doubts. We have both
the hope and the faith that Germany will and must once
more become great and mighty.
We have both the hope and the faith that the day will
come on which Germany shall stretch from
Koenigsberg to Strassburg, and from Hamburg to
Vienna.
We have faith that one day Heaven will bring the
Germans back into a Reich over which there shall be no
Soviet star, no Jewish star of David, but above that
Reich there shall be the symbol of German labor - the
Swastika. And that will mean that the first of May has
truly come.
Great are the tasks of our Movement for the coming
years. But the greatest task of all will be to make it as
clear as possible to our fighters, members, and followers
that this Party is not an end in itself, but merely a means
to an end.
They should realize that the organization, with all its
greatness and beauty, only has a purpose, and thus the
justification to exist, when it is the eternally
unforbearing and belligerent herald and advocate of the
National Socialist idea of a German Volksgemeinschaft
to come! Everything which this Movement calls its
own-its organizations, whether in the SA or the SS, in
the political leadership, or the organization of our
peasants and our youth-all of this can have only the
single purpose of fighting for this new Germany, in
which there will ultimately be no bourgeoisie and no
more proletarians, but only German Volksgenossen.
This is the greatest task with which our Volk has been
confronted for more than a thousand years.
The movement which accomplishes this task will
engrave its name for all eternity in the immortal book of
the history of our nation.
Volksgemeinschaft: that means a community of all
productive labor, that means the oneness of all vital
interests, that means overcoming bourgeois privatism
and the unionized, mechanically organized masses, that
means unconditionally equating the individual fate and
the nation, the individual and the Volk. a
Volksgemeinschaft in which innumerable millions of
people, from the National Socialist fighter to the soldier,
from the worker to the civil servant, are working
together in true comradeship to honestly fulfill their
duties in the reconstruction of a state and the education
of a nation whose wish it is to be full of honor, peaceful
and industrious in this world.
You shall help build and help work, and you shall be
proud, you shall be happy that you were able and
allowed to work together on the new German structure.
It is a wonderful thing to turn the word
Volksgemeinschaft into a reality. We shall now
accomplish what many centuries past have vainly
yearned for. ,,, In this hour I believe we can have but
one desire: let the other peoples cast a single glance in
here, let them only see this Volk of peace and labor and
I believe they would take those rabble-rousers and
throw them out! Then they would understand and
comprehend why this most sacred national community
is and will always be both the most sacred guarantor of
a genuinely European order and thus of a truly human
culture and civilization. Therefore, I ask you in this hour
to take heart and allow your spirit to gaze back upon the
past and share in feeling the good fortune we have come
to enjoy by virtue of having found our way back to one
community, to one Volk. And let us pledge our
dedication to this Volk .. the salvation of our Volk is not
a financial problem; it is exclusively a problem of
utilizing and employing the available work force on the
one hand and exploiting available soil and mineral
resources on the other.
The Volksgemeinschaft does not subsist on the fictitious
value of money but on actual production, which gives
money its value. This production is the primary cover
for a currency, not a bank or a vault full of gold! And
when I increase this production, I am actually increasing
the income of my fellow citizens; if I decrease
production, I decrease income, regardless of what
salaries are being paid out.
The purpose of the National Socialist idea-to put
together a Volksgemeinschaft by overcoming rank,
profession, class, and confession-is not fulfilled by
simply registering with a party. One can become a party
comrade by subscribing, but one can only become a
National Socialist by adapting one’s perception, by
urgently appealing to one’s own heart.
What is, therefore, more logical than for us to again
wholeheartedly pledge ourselves to our Volk on this day
of all days? We cannot renew this pledge often enough:
that we wish to belong to this Volk, that we wish to
serve it and will endeavor to understand one another;
that we wish to overcome all that divides us and thus
defeat the stupid doubters, the mockers and the
incessant little cavillers; that today above all we wish to
renew our faith in our Volk, our confidence that it is a
marvelous, competent, industrious, and decent Volk, and
that this Volk shall have its future because we are the
ones responsible for that future!
He who would lay hands upon us will encounter thorns
and barbs! For we love liberty just as we love peace.
We shall be free. We shall create our new order.
God Bless You all. Carry on the Struggle in all ways
every day.
