Hitler on Economics Folk Family Children, the JQ, and Other Issues

 Hitler on Economics Folk Family Children, the JQ, and

Other Issues

A bit of an introduction. We seek here to take some of

the ideas of Adolf Hitler and make them more widely

known among Nationalists.

We have taken selections from various speeches over

about 20 years and patched them into an essay if you

will.

Any failings in selections or ordering are ours and no

other.

God Bless Adolf Hitler. God Bless all the valiant men

who fought against Communism and God Forgive the

Anglos for FIGHTING FOR MARXISM against

Christendom.'

Start: Woe to the Vanquished.

Who will not struggle will perish a slave.

No good can come of a dictated peace; .

A real Volksgemeinschaft (national community) cannot

be established on such a basis.

It would be life unlife and unthinkable for a great

people.

Freedom and life they can take from us, but not honor.

But fret not as hope remains:

Faith can move mountains; faith can also free peoples.

Faith can fortify nations and lead them to rise again,

however humiliated they may have been.

Love too is a power: In the course of my political

struggle, I have been given a great deal of love from my

Volk.

With that -- It will now be our task to devote our labor,

diligence, shared dedication, and joint strength to

solving the great social, cultural and economic

problems.

You are the defense of a Movement that is called one

day to remodel Germany in revolutionary fashion from

its very foundations in order that there may come to

birth what perhaps so many expected on the ninth of

November: a German Reich and a Germanic and, so far

as in us lies, a German Republic.

Every battle must be fought to the end - better that it

come early than late. And he ever stands most securely

who from the first goes to the fight with the greatest

confidence. And this highest confidence we can carry

with us in our hearts. For he who on our side is today

the leader of the German people, God's truth! he has

nothing to win but perhaps only everything to lose. He

who today fights on our side cannot win great laurels,

far less can he win great material goods - it is more

likely that he will end up in jail. He who today is leader

must be an idealist, if only for the reason that he leads

those against whom it would seem that everything has

conspired.

But in that very fact there lies an inexhaustible source of

strength. The conviction that our Movement is not

sustained by money or the lust for gold, but only by our

love for the people, that must ever give us fresh heart,

that must ever fill us with courage for the fray.

And as my last word, take with you this assurance: if

this battle should not come, never would Germany win

peace. Germany would decay and at the best would sink

to ruin like a rotting corpse. But that is not our destiny.

We do not believe that this misfortune which today our

God sends over Germany has no meaning: it is surely

the scourge which should and shall

drive us to a new greatness, to a new power and glory

… We wanted to once again create a State to which

every German can cling in love; to establish a regime to

which everyone can look up with respect; to find laws

which are commensurate with the morality of our Volk;

to install an authority to which each and every man

submits in joyful obedience.

From Birth to Worth:

Whereas in the past, the liberal and intellectualistic

women’s movements included many, many items in

their programs which originated in a so-called intellect,

the program of our National Socialist Women’s

Movement actually contains only a single item, and this

item is: the child, this tiny creature who must come into

being and flourish, who constitutes the sole purpose of

the entire struggle for existence. For what would be the

purpose of our fighting and struggling if there were not

something to come after us which can make use of and

pass on what we attain today for its own benefit and

avail? What else could be the purpose of humanity’s

entire struggle? Why else the worry and the suffering?

For the mere sake of an idea? Only for an idea? Only for

a theory? No, that would not be worth traversing this

earthly vale of tears.

The only thing which allows us to overcome all of that

is shifting, our gaze from the present to the future, away

from ourselves to that which is growing up to follow us.

A few moments ago, I spoke before the youth rally. It is

a glorious thing to look out over this golden youth in the

knowledge that it will one day be Germany when we no

longer exist! It will preserve the sum of what we are

creating and building up. It is for this youth that we are

working. That is the real purpose of the entire struggle!

And in recognizing this, the most elementary and

lapidary goal of Nature, the labors of the two sexes will

logically and rightfully fall into place for us, no longer

in conflict, but in a common fight for the real life.

It is thus that we have strengthened the new National

Socialist Volksgemeinschaft, thus that we have gained,

in millions of women, the most loyal and zealous fellow

fighters. Female fighters for a life together in the service

of together preserving our life. Fighters who fix their

gaze not upon the rights which a Jewish intellectualism

pretends to offer them, but upon the obligations which

Nature has burdened upon us all.

The compensation which National Socialism gives

woman in exchange for her work lies in that it is once

again training men, real men, men who are decent, who

stand erect, who are brave, who love honor. I believe

that when, in the past few days, our healthy, unspoilt

women have watched the marching columns, these

sturdy and faultless young men of the spade, they must

have been saying to themselves: what a healthy,

marvelous race is growing up here! That is also an

achievement which National Socialism has wrought for

the German woman in the scope of its attitude toward

women in general.

The birth of nations is a painful process, just as every

other birth.

I wish only to bid and remind you to perceive the

strength of our Volk in our inner unity of will, in our

unity of spirit and our common way of thinking. Rest

assured that strength is expressed not so much in

divisions, in cannons and in tanks, but that it is

ultimately expressed in the community of a single

Volkswille. And further, may you be imbued with the

conviction that men must be taught this community and

that safeguards must be created for this purpose. Regard

our National Socialist Movement as a great safeguard of

this kind against the spirit of class conflict, class hatred

and class division.

What we do not successfully accomplish with the

present generation we will achieve with the coming one.

For just as doggedly as we have fought and fought again

for the adult man and the adult woman, we shall fight

for German youth. It is growing up in a different world

and will be the first to do its share to build another

world. In our National Socialist Youth Organization, we

have created the school for the education of the

individuals who will people a new German Reich.

With faith in their hearts and a strong sense of purpose,

this youth will one day be a better link in our Volk’s

genealogical chain than we ourselves were and perhaps

can be today.

The national May Day holiday, which we are

celebrating today throughout Germany, plays a special

and enormously significant role in this program of

forming our Volk anew. All of us talk about human

culture and personal achievements, but only very few

perceive in them the joint product of mental and

physical strength.

If we want a strong Germany, you must one day be

strong, too. If we want a powerful Germany, you, too,

must one day be powerful. If we want an honorable

Germany, you must one day uphold this honor. If we

want order in Germany, you must maintain this order. If

we want to once again create a loyal Germany, you

yourselves must learn to be loyal. You are the Germany

of the future, and thus we want you to be what this

Germany of the future must and will be.

Therefore you must also avoid anything which

impressed the stamp of dishonor upon the Germany of

the past. You must cultivate the spirit of the great

community. The German Volksgemeinschaft is anchored

in you. For many centuries, people longed for what has

become reality today. The nation expects you to be

worthy of this great age.

Our People --

If one part of our Volk has come to suffer hardships due

to circumstances for which all are responsible, and the

other part, spared by fate, is willing of its own volition

to take upon itself only a part of this hardship which has

been forcefully imposed upon the other, all we can say

is: a certain amount of hardship should be intentionally

imposed upon a part of our Volk so that this part may

aid in making the hardships of the other more bearable.

The greater the willingness to make such sacrifices, all

the more quickly will the hardships of the other side be

able to be reduced.

Every person must understand that giving only has any

real value, in the sense of bringing about a true

Volksgemeinschaft, when the act of giving involves a

sacrifice on the part of the giver. This is ultimately the

only way to build up the superior solidarity to which we

must aspire if we want to overcome the other solidarity.

When this Volk has correctly grasped the fact that these

measures must mean sacrifice to everyone, then these

measures will not only result in alleviating material

want but will also produce something much more

tremendous-the conviction that this community of the

Volk is not merely an empty phrase, but something

which is really alive. We need this community more

than ever in the difficult struggle of the nation.

What does the enemy say about us?

They say the people are worthless. Why worthless? I

cannot measure a person's worth in terms of his wealth

or his birth, or things like that. All that means nothing, is

not a measure of worth. If today I were to remove a

good-for-nothing who is born wealthy I would do the

nation no harm, but I would if I removed a craftsman or

an intellectual who conscientiously does his duty. The

value of a person depends on the value which his labour

creates. It is not by his own volition that a person

becomes a thinker, musician, great inventor etc. This is

not the result of his individual will but rather a higher

nature endows him with this disposition at birth. A

person may be praised because he is a genius; his

abilities are, however, of no importance if he cannot

make them serve everyone. He can just as well be a

brilliant criminal, good-for- nothing, or as we say in

Bavaria, a"Schwabinger". They are people who live in a

suburb of Munich, a very special kind of person; with a

few exceptions the females are recognizable by their

very short hair and the males by their very long hair.

These brilliant characters from whose midst now and

then brilliant statesmen like Kurt Eisner emerge - if they

did not exist the world would lose nothing. On the other

hand, if I were to remove any street cleaner who

conscientiously sweeps his square meter of street, I

would have to replace him with another street sweeper.

We should judge people according to the abilities with

which nature has endowed them and which they use for

the benefit of the community. This criterion excludes the

accidental factor of high or low birth and gives a person

the freedom to forge his own reputation. Even the most

insignificant person, if he honestly carries out the work

he is given so as to serve the national community

(Volksgemeinschaft), can be replaced by another, but

the community needs his services. If I apply this

criterion I cannot say that the fifteen million people on

the left are worthless. You cannot simply remove them,

you would have to replace them.

Leadership --

(We must as a nation with) good intentions, ennoble the

socioiogical concept of the worker and raise the status

of an honorary title for labor. This patent of nobility

alone puts the soldier and the peasant, the merchant and

the academician, the worker and the capitalist under

oath to take the only possible direction in which all

purposeful German striving must be headed: towards

the nation.

Only when everything that happens within the entire

German community happens with a view to the whole

does the whole, in the changing currents of political

effects, in turn become capable of taking on the positive

and productive leadership of all of the individual units,

classes and conditions.

Leadership is always based upon the free will and good

intentions of those being led. My doctrine of the Führer

concept is therefore quite the opposite of what the

Bolshevists like to present it as being: the doctrine of a

brutal dictator who triumphs over the destruction of the

values of private life. Thus as Reich Chancellor I am not

discontinuing my activities as a public educator; on the

contrary: I am using every means provided by the State

and its power to publish and make known my every

word and deed with the goal of winning the public with

this openness for every single decision of my national

will by proof and conviction. And I am doing this

because I believe in the creative power and the creative

contribution of the Volk.

On the day when we founded our National Socialist

movement we were already convinced that the fate of

the individual German is inseparably linked with the

fate of the entire nation. If Germany is ruined the

worker cannot prosper in favorable social conditions nor

can the entrepreneur; and neither will the farmer be able

to save himself nor the middle class. No, the ruin of the

Reich, the collapse of the nation means the ruin and

destruction of us all! No one confession and not a single

German tribe (Stamm) will escape the fate which will

overtake us collectively.

On the day when the National Socialist movement was

founded we had long since realized that it was not the

proletariat which would triumph over the middle class,

nor the middle class which would triumph over the

proletariat. In the end it would be the international

financiers alone who would triumph over both. And this

is precisely what has happened!

Recognizing this process of decay thirteen years ago I

and a handful of others formed a new movement, whose

very name is intended to proclaim the new national

community. Socialism cannot exist unless it is served by

the power of the intellect, nor can there be social

wellbeing

unless it is protected and its existence ensured by

the strength of a nation. And there can be no nation and

thus no nationalism unless the millions of intellectual

workers are joined by the millions of manual laborers

and the millions of farm workers.

There are two things which can unite men: common

ideals and common criminality. We have inscribed upon

our banner the great Germanic ideal and for that ideal

we will fight to the last drop of our blood. We National

Socialists have realized that from the international

cesspool of infamy, from the Berlin of today, nothing

can come to save the Fatherland. We know that two

things alone will save us: first, the end of internal

corruption, the cleansing out of all those who owe their

existence simply to the protection of their party

comrades. Through the most brutal ruthlessness towards

all party officials we must restore our finances. It must

be proved that the official is not a party man, but a

specialist! The body of German officials must once

more become what once it was. But the second and the

most important point is that the day must come when a

German government shall summon up the courage to

declare to the Foreign Powers: 'The Treaty of Versailles

is founded on a monstrous lie. We refuse to carry out its

terms any longer. Do what you will! If you wish for war,

go and get it! Then we shall see whether you can turn

seventy million Germans into serfs and slaves!'

If cowards cry out: 'But we have no arms!' that is neither

here nor there! When the whole German people knows

one will and one will only - to be free - in that hour we

shall have the instrument with which to win our

freedom. It matters not whether these weapons of ours

are humane: if they gain us our freedom, they are

justified before our conscience and before our God.

When the eyes of German children look questioning

into ours, when we see the suffering and distress of

millions of our fellow-countrymen who without any

fault of theirs have fallen into this frightful misfortune,

then we laugh at the curses of the whole world, if from

these curses there issues the freedom of our race.

But since we know that today the German people

consists for one-third of heroes, for another third of

cowards, while the rest are traitors, as a condition of our

freedom in respect of the outside world we would first

cleanse our domestic life. The present 'United Front' has

failed in that task. The day of another 'United Front' will

come. But before that there must be a day of reckoning

for those who for four and a half years have led us on

their criminal ways. The domestic battle must come

before the battle with the world without - the final

decision between those who say 'We are Germans and

proud of the fact' and those who do not wish to be

Germans or who are not Germans at all. Our Movement

is opposed with the cry 'The Republic is in danger!'

Your Republic of the Ninth of November? In very truth

it is: the November-Republic is in danger! How long,

think you, you can maintain this 'State? . . .

Our Movement was not formed with any election in

view, but in order to spring to the rescue of this people

as its last help in the hour of greatest need, at the

moment when in fear and despair it sees the approach of

the Red Monster. The task of our Movement is still

today not to prepare ourselves for any coming election

but to prepare for the coming collapse of the Reich, so

that when the old trunk falls the young fir-tree may be

already standing. The Via dolorosa of Germany from

Wirth, by way of Cuno to Stresemann, will end in the

dictatorship of a Jewish lord of finance.... WE WANT

TO BE THE SUPPORTERS OF THE DICTATORSHIP

OF NATIONAL REASON, OF NATIONAL ENERGY,

OF NATIONAL

BRUTALITY AND RESOLUTION. GERMANY CAN

BE SAVED ONLY THROUGH ACTION, WHEN

THROUGH OUR TALKING HERE THE BANDAGE

HAS BEEN TORN FROM THE EYES OF THE LAST

OF THE BEFOOLED.

They do not understand that today it is more than ever

necessary in our thoughts as Nationalists to avoid

anything which might perhaps cause the individual to

think that the National Idea was identical with petty

everyday political views. They ought day by day to din

into the ears of the masses: 'We want to bury all the

petty differences and to bring out into the light the big

things, the things we have in common which bind us to

one another. That should weld and fuse together those

who have still a German heart and a love for their

people in the fight against the common hereditary foe of

all Aryans. How afterward we divide up this State,

friends - we have no wish to dispute over that! The form

of a State results from the essential character of a

people, results from necessities which are so elementary

and powerful that in time every individual will realize

them without any disputation when once all Germany is

united and free.'

Certainly a government needs power, it needs strength.

It must, I might almost say, with brutal ruthlessness

press through the ideas which it has recognized to be

right, trusting to the actual authority of its strength in

the State. But even with the most ruthless brutality it

can ultimately prevail only if what it seeks to restore

does truly correspond to the welfare of a whole people.

And because of the movements connection to the People

--

It is from our Movement that

redemption will come - that today is the feeling of

millions. That has become almost a new religious faith!

And there will be only two possibilities: either Berlin

marches and ends up in Munich, or Munich marches

and ends up in Berlin! A bolshevist North Germany and

a nationalist Bavaria cannot exist side by side, and the

greatest influence upon the fortunes of the German

Reich will be his who shall restore the Reich.... Either

Germany sinks, and we through our despicable

cowardice sink with it, or else we dare to enter on the

fight against death and devil and rise up against the fate

that has been planned for us. THEN WE SHALL SEE

WHICH IS THE STRONGER: THE SPIRIT OF

INTERNATIONAL JEWRY OR THE WILL OF

GERMANY.

Some principles –

Common Good over Selfish Interests

And

Break the Bonds of Usury ... War to the knife with the

enemies of the Race and Nation.

There are two principles which, when we founded the

Movement, we engraved upon our hearts: first, to base it

on the most sober recognition of the facts, and second,

to proclaim these facts with the most ruthless sincerity.

And this recognition of the facts discloses at once a

whole series of the most important fundamental

principles which must guide this young Movement

which, we hope, is destined one day for greatness:

1. 'NATIONAL' AND 'SOCIAL' ARE TWO

IDENTICAL CONCEPTIONS. It was only the Jew who

succeeded, through falsifying the social idea and turning

it into Marxism, not only in divorcing the social idea

from the national, but in actually representing them as

utterly contradictory. That aim he has in fact achieved.

At the founding of this Movement we formed the

decision that we would give expression to this idea of

ours of the identity of the two conceptions: despite all

warnings, on the basis of what we had come to believe,

on the basis of the sincerity of our will, we christened it

''National Socialist.' We said to ourselves that to be

'national' means above everything to act with a

boundless and all-embracing love for the people and, if

necessary, even to die for it. And similarly to be 'social'

means so to build up the state and the community of the

people that every individual acts in the interest of the

community of the people and must be to such an extent

convinced of the goodness, of the honorable

straightforwardness of this community of the people as

to be ready to die for it.

But to die with meaning we must know the history for

which we live our lives.

Before 1914 there were two States above all, Germany

and Russia, which

prevented the Jew from reaching his goal - the mastery

of the world. Here

not everything which they already possessed in the

Western democracies

had fallen to the Jews. Here they were not the sole lords

alike in the

intellectual and economic life. Here, too, the

Parliaments were not yet

exclusively instruments of Jewish capital and of the will

of the Jew. The

German and the genuine Russian had still preserved a

certain aloofness

from the Jew. In both peoples there still lived the

healthy instinct of scorn

for the Jew ..

WWI?

THUS IT WAS THAT JUDAH

WON THE WORLD WAR. OR WOULD YOU WISH

TO MAINTAIN

THAT THE FRENCH, THE ENGLISH, OR THE

AMERICAN 'PEOPLE'

WON THE WAR? THEY, ONE AND ALL, VICTORS

AND

VANQUISHED ARE ALIKE DEFEATED: one thing

raises itself above

them all: the World Stock Exchange which has become

the master of the

people. ... For the murderers of our Fatherland who all

the years through

have betrayed and sold Germany, they are the same men

who, as the

November criminals, have plunged us into the depths of

misfortune. We

have the duty to speak since in the near future, when we

have gained

power, we shall have the further duty of taking these

creators of ruin, these

clouts, these traitors to their State and of hanging them

on the gallows to

which they belong. Only let no one think that in them

there has come a

change of heart. ...

EVEN TODAY WE ARE THE LEAST LOVED

PEOPLE ON EARTH. A

world of foes is ranged against us and the German must

still today make up

his mind whether he intends to be a free soldier or a

white slave. THE

ONLY POSSIBLE CONDITIONS UNDER WHICH A

GERMAN STATE

CAN DEVELOP AT ALL MUST THEREFORE BE:

THE UNIFICATION

OF ALL GERMANS IN EUROPE, education towards a

national

consciousness, and readiness to place the whole national

strength without

exception in the service of the nation. ... DESTINIES

OF PEOPLES COULD BE DETERMINED NEITHER

THROUGH MAJORITY DECISIONS NOR

THROUGH TREATIES,

BUT ONLY THROUGH BLOOD AND IRON.

On one point there should be no doubt: we will not let

the Jews slit our

gullets and not defend ourselves.

Who yields voluntarily? No one! So the strength which

each people possesses decides the day. ALWAYS

BEFORE GOD AND

THE WORLD THE STRONGER HAS THE RIGHT

TO CARRY

THROUGH WHAT HE WILLS.

History proves: He who has not the strength - him the

'right in itself' profits

not a whit. A world court without a world police would

be a joke. And from

what nations of the present League of Nations would

then this force be

recruited? Perhaps from the ranks of the old German

Army? THE WHOLE

WORLD OF NATURE IS A MIGHTY STRUGGLE

BETWEEN

STRENGTH AND WEAKNESS - AN ETERNAL

VICTORY OF THE

STRONG OVER THE WEAK. There would be nothing

but decay in the

whole of Nature if this were not so. States which should

offend against the

elementary law would fall into decay.

We ask: 'Must there be wars?' The

pacifist answers 'No!' He proceeds to explain that

disputes in the life of

peoples are only the expression of the fact that a class

has been oppressed

by the ruling bourgeoisie. When there are in fact

differences of opinion

between peoples, then these should be brought before a

'Peace Court' for its

decision. But he does not answer the question whether

the judges of this

court of arbitration would have the power to bring the

parties before the bar

of the court. I believe that an accused ordinarily only

appears 'voluntarily'

before a court because, if he did not, he would be

fetched there.

I should like to see the nation which would allow itself

to be brought before

this League of Nations Court in the case of a

disagreement without external

force. In the life of nations, what in the last resort

decides questions is a

kind of Judgment Court of God.

...IN THE Bible we find the text, 'That which is neither

hot nor cold will I

spew out of my mouth.' This utterance of the great

Nazarene has kept its

profound validity until the present day. He who would

pursue the golden

mean must surrender the hope of achieving the great

and the greatest aims.

Until the present day the half-hearted and the lukewarm

have remained the

curse of Germany....

To the half-heartedness and weakness of the parties in

Parliament was

added the half-heartedness of Governments...

Everything stood under the

sign of half-heartedness and lukewarmness ... The

people, inwardly united in the hard struggle-in the

trenches there were neither parties nor Confessions-has

been torn asunder through the economics of profiteers

and knaves. Appeasement and the settlement of

differences would certainly soon be there if only one

were to hang the whole crew. But profiteers and knaves

are, of course, 'Citizens of the State,' and what is more

important still; they are adherents of the religion, which

is hallowed by the Talmud.

My entire energy was devoted from the beginning to

overcoming the leadership of the state by parties

What are the needed conditons:

No salvation is possible until the bearer of disunion, the

Jew, has been

rendered powerless to harm.

1. We must call to account the November criminals of

1918. It cannot be

that two million Germans should have fallen in vain and

that afterwards

one should sit down as friends at the same table with

traitors. No, we do not

pardon, we demand - Vengeance!

2. The dishonoring of the nation must cease. For

betrayers of their

Fatherland and informers the gallows is the proper

place. Our streets and

squares shall once more bear the names of our heroes;

they shall not be

named after Jews. In the Question of Guilt we must

proclaim the truth.

3. The administration of the State must be cleared of the

rabble which is

fattened at the stall of the parties.

4. The present laxity in the fight against usury must be

abandoned. Here the

fitting punishment is the same as that for the betrayers

of their Fatherland.

5. WE MUST DEMAND A GREAT

ENLIGHTENMENT ON THE

SUBJECT OF THE PEACE TREATY. WITH

THOUGHTS OF LOVE?

NO! BUT IN HOLY HATRED AGAINST THOSE

WHO HAVE RUINED

US.

6. The lies which would veil from us our misfortunes

must cease. The fraud

of the present money-madness must be shown up. That

will stiffen the

necks of us all.

7. AS FOUNDATION FOR A NEW CURRENCY THE

PROPERTY OF

THOSE WHO ARE NOT OF OUR BLOOD MUST DO

SERVICE. If

families who have lived in Germany for a thousand

years are now

expropriated, we must do the same to the Jewish

usurers.

8. WE DEMAND IMMEDIATE EXPULSION OF ALL

JEWS WHO

HAVE ENTERED GERMANY SINCE 1914, and of all

those, too, who

through trickery on the Stock Exchange or through other

shady transactions

have gained their wealth.

9. The housing scarcity must be relieved through

energetic action; houses

must be granted to those who deserve them. Eisner said

in 1918 that we had

no right to demand the return of our prisoners - he was

only saying openly

what all Jews were thinking. People who so think must

feel how life tastes

in a concentration camp!

Extremes must be fought by extremes. Against the

infection of materialism,

against the Jewish pestilence we must hold aloft a

flaming ideal. And if

others speak of the World and Humanity we say the

Fatherland - and only

The Problem: the Jewish-capitalist enemy of the world

facing us knows but one goal-to destroy Germany, to

destroy our German Volk! Our foes may strive to

disguise their intention beneath phraseology, but this

does nothing to deter them from the pursuit of this goal!

The begining of a SOLUTION:

First things first --

NO ECONOMIC POLICY IS POSSIBLE WITHOUT A

SWORD, no

industrialization without power. Today we have no

longer any sword

grasped in our fist-how can we have a successful

economic policy?

England has fully recognized this primary maxim in the

healthy life of

States; for centuries England has acted on the principle

of converting

economic strength into political power, while

conversely political power in

its turn must protect economic life.

Economics is a secondary matter. World history teaches

us that no people became great through economics: it

was economics that brought them to their ruin. A people

died when its race was disintegrated. Germany, too, did

not become great through economics.

A people that in its own life [volkisch] has lost honor

becomes politically defenseless, and then becomes

enslaved also in the economic sphere.

Internationalization today means only Judaization. We

in Germany have come to this: that a sixty-million

people sees its destiny to lie at the will of a few dozen

Jewish bankers. This was possible only because our

civilization had first been Judaized. The undermining of

the German conception of personality by catchwords

had begun long before. Ideas such as 'Democracy,'

'Majority,' 'Conscience of the World,' 'World Solidarity,'

'World Peace,' 'Internationality of Art,' etc., disintegrate

our race-consciousness, breed cowardice, and so today

we are bound to say that the simple Turk is more man

than we are.

No salvation is possible until the bearer of disunion, the

Jew, has been rendered powerless to harm.

For liberation something more is

necessary than an economic policy, something more

than industry: IF A

PEOPLE IS TO BECOME FREE IT NEEDS PRIDE

AND WILLPOWER,

DEFIANCE, HATE, HATE, AND ONCE AGAIN

HATE....

The spirit comes not down from above, that spirit which

is to purify

Germany, which with its iron besom is to purify the

great sty of democracy.

To do that is the task of our Movement. The Movement

must not rust away

in Parliament, it must not spend itself in superfluous

battles of words, but

the banner with the white circle and the black Swastika

will be hoisted over

the whole of Germany on the day which shall mark the

liberation of our

whole people.

For us there are only two

possiblities: either we remain German or we come under

the

thumb of the Jews. This latter must not occur; even if

we are

small, we are a force. A well-organized group can

conquer a

strong enemy. If you stick close together and keep

bringing

in new people, we will be victorious over the Jews.

should the international Jewry of finance

(Finanzjudentum) succeed, both within and beyond

Europe, in plunging mankind into yet another world

war, then the result will not be a Bolshevization of the

earth and the victory of Jewry, but the annihilation

(Vernichtung) of the Jewish race in Europe. Thus, the

days of propagandist impotence of the non-Jewish

peoples are over.

National Socialist Germany and Fascist Italy possess

institutions which, if necessary, permit opening the eyes

of the world to the true nature of this problem.

Many a people is instinctively aware of this, albeit not

scientifically versed in it.

At this moment, the Jews are still propagating their

campaign of hatred in certain states under the cover of

press, film, radio, theater, and literature, which are all in

their hands. Should indeed this one Volk attain its goal

of prodding masses of millions from other peoples to

enter into a war devoid of all sense for them, and

serving the interests of the Jews exclusively, then the

effectiveness of an enlightenment will once more

display its might. Within Germany, this enlightenment

conquered Jewry utterly in the span of a few years.

Peoples desire not to perish on the battlefield just so that

this rootless, internationalist race can profit financially

from this war and thereby gratify its lust for vengeance

derived from the Old Testament. The Jewish watchword

“Proletarians of the world, unite!” will be conquered by

a far more lofty realization, namely: “Creative men of

all nations, recognize your common foe!”

Soviets as Jewish: While now in Soviet Russia the

millions are ruined and are

dying, Chicherin - and with him a staff of over 200

Soviet

Jews - travels by express train through Europe, visits the

cabarets, watches naked dancers perform for his

pleasure,

lives in the finest hotels, and does himself better than

the

millions whom once you thought you must fight as

'bourgeois.'

The 400 Soviet Commissars of Jewish nationality - they

do

not suffer; the thousands upon thousands of sub-

Commissars -they do not suffer. No! all the treasures

which

the 'proletarian' in his madness took from the

'bourgeoise' in order to fight so-called capitalism - they

have

all gone into their hands. Once the worker appropriated

the

purse of the landed proprietor who gave him work, he

took

the rings, the diamonds and rejoiced that he had now got

the treasures which before only the

'bourgeoisie' possessed. But in his hands they are dead

things - they are veritable death-gold. They are no profit

to

him. He is banished into his wilderness and one cannot

feed

oneself on diamonds. For a morsel of bread he gives

millions

in objects of value. But the bread is in the hands of the

State Central Organization and this is in the hands of the

Jews: so everything, everything that the common man

thought that he was winning for himself, flows back

again to

his seducers.

On the Right: In the first place the Right still fails to

recognize the danger.

These gentlemen still persist in believing that it is a

question of being elected to a Landtag or of posts as

ministers or secretaries. They think that the decision of a

people's destiny would mean at worst nothing more than

some damage to their so-called bourgeois-economic

existence. They have never grasped the fact that this

decision threatens their heads. They have never yet

understood that it is not necessary to be an enemy of the

Jew for him to drag you one day, on the Russian model,

to

the scaffold. They do not see that it is quite enough to

have

a head on your shoulders and not to be a Jew: that will

secure the scaffold for you.

In consequence their whole action today is so petty, so

limited, so hesitating and pusillanimous. They would

like to -

but they can never decide on any great deed, because

they

fail to realize the greatness of the whole period.

,,,

AND THE RIGHT HAS FURTHER COMPLETELY

FORGOTTEN

THAT

DEMOCRACY IS FUNDAMENTALLY NOT

GERMAN: IT IS

JEWISH.

And finally it has been forgotten that the condition

which

must precede every act is the will and the courage to

speak

the truth

It has completely forgotten that this Jewish democracy

with

its majority decisions has always been without

exception

only a means towards the destruction of any existing

Aryan

leadership. The Right does not understand that directly

every small question of profit or loss is regularly put

before

so-called 'public opinion,' he who knows how most

skilfully

to make this 'public opinion' serve his own interests

becomes forthwith master in the State. And that can be

achieved by the man who can lie most artfully, most

infamously; and in the last resort he is not the German,

he

is, in Schopenhauer's words, 'the great master in the art

of

lying' - the Jew.

Economic Jewry:

And if you say 'But there must after all be a difference

between the honest creators and those who do nothing at

all' - certainly there must! That is the difference which

lies in

the performance of the conscientious work of the

individual.

Work must be the great connecting link, but at the same

time the great factor which separates one man from

another. The drone is the foe of us all. But the creators -

it

matters not whether they are brain workers or workers

with

the hand - they are the nobility of our State, they are the

German people!

We understand under the term 'work' exclusively that

activity which not only profits the individual but in no

way

harms the community, nay rather which contributes to

form

the community.

3. And in the third place IT WAS CLEAR TO US THAT

THIS

PARTICULAR VIEW IS BASED ON AN IMPULSE

WHICH

SPRINGS

FROM OUR RACE AND FROM OUR BLOOD. We

said to

ourselves that race differs from race and, further, that

each

race in accordance with its fundamental demands shows

externally certain specific tendencies, and these

tendencies

can perhaps be most clearly traced in their relation to

the

conception of work. The Aryan regards work as the

foundation for the maintenance of the community of

people

amongst it members. The Jew regards work as the

means to

the exploitation of other peoples. The Jew never works

as a

productive creator without the great aim of becoming

the

master. He works unproductively using and enjoying

other

people's work.

And thus we understand the iron sentence which

Mommsen

once uttered:

'The Jew is the ferment of decomposition in peoples,'

that

means that the Jew destroys and must destroy because

he

completely lacks the conception of an activity which

builds

up the life of the community. And therefore it is beside

the

point whether the individual Jew is 'decent' or not. In

himself

he carries those characteristics which Nature has given

him,

and he cannot ever rid himself of those characteristics.

And

to us he is harmful. Whether he harms us consciously or

unconsciously, that is not our affair. We have

consciously to

concern ourselves for the welfare of our own people.

Freedom from Usury:

We are absolutely convinced that an indispensable

prerequisite for remedying the international commercial

crisis is the introduction of a stable monetary system.

Such a course would permit the transformation of a

prehistoric system of exchange into a free and modern

commercial system Moreover, the National Socialist

Government is resolved that under no circumstances

will it be drawn into the old commercial system of

creating debts, but that it will rigidly abide by the

principle of

importing from abroad only up to the value of the goods

that it sells abroad. If certain individuals should feel

distressed because they cannot purchase this or that

article of luxury, or even some useful object or other,

because we have not imported it for them, our answer to

such worthy compatriots is: We are troubled enough as

things are with the problem of feeding the German

people. As long as we cannot be perfectly assured that

the necessities of life are at hand for every single

member of the community, we are not interested in the

question whether this or that article of luxury might be

imported.

. IT POINTS ME TO THE MAN WHO ONCE IN

LONELINESS, SURROUNDED ONLY BY A FEW

FOLLOWERS,

RECOGNIZED THESE JEWS FOR WHAT THEY

WERE AND

SUMMONED MEN TO THE FIGHT AGAINST

THEM AND WHO,

GOD'S TRUTH! WAS GREATEST NOT AS

SUFFERER BUT AS

FIGHTER. In boundless love as a Christian and as a

man I

read through the passage which tells us how the Lord at

last

rose in His might and seized the scourge to drive out of

the

Temple the brood of vipers and of adders. How terrific

was

His fight for the world against the Jewish poison. Today,

after

two thousand years, with deepest emotion I recognize

more

profoundly than ever before - the fact that it was for this

that He had to shed His blood upon the Cross. As a

Christian

I have no duty to allow myself to be cheated, but I have

the

duty to be a fighter for truth and justice. And as a man I

have the duty to see to it that human society does not

suffer the same catastrophic collapse as did the

civilization

of the ancient world some two thousand years ago - a

civilization which was driven to its ruin through this

same

Jewish people.

Then indeed when Rome collapsed there were endless

streams of new German bands flowing into the Empire

from

the North; but, if Germany collapses today, who is there

to

come after us? German blood upon this earth is on the

way

to gradual exhaustion unless we pull ourselves together

and

make ourselves free!

And if there is anything which could demonstrate that

we

are acting rightly, it is the distress which daily grows.

For as

a Christian I have also a duty to my own people. And

when I

look on my people I see it work and work and toil and

labor,

and at the end of the week it has only for its wage

wretchedness and misery. When I go out in the morning

and

see these men standing in their queues and look into

their

pinched faces, then I believe I would be no Christian,

but a

ery devil, if I felt no pity for them, if I did not, as did

our

Lord two thousand years ago, turn against those by

whom

today this poor people is plundered and exploited.

And through the distress there is no doubt that the

people

has been aroused.

Externally perhaps apathetic, but within there is

ferment.

And many may say, 'It is an accursed crime to stir up

passions in the people.' And then I say to myself:

Passion is

already stirred through the rising tide of distress, and

one

day this passion will break out in one way or another:

AND

NOW I WOULD ASK THOSE WHO TODAY CALL

US

'AGITATORS': 'WHAT

THEN HAVE YOU TO GIVE TO THE PEOPLE AS A

FAITH TO

WHICH IT MIGHT CLING?'

Nothing at all, for you yourselves have no faith in your

own

prescriptions.

That is the mightiest thing which our Movement must

create: for these widespread, seeking and straying

masses a

new Faith which will not fail

them in this hour of confusion, to which they can pledge

themselves, on which they can build so that they may at

least find once again a place which may bring calm to

their

hearts.

The Battle and its scope in time and place ...

IT IS a battle which began nearly 120 years ago, at the

moment when the Jew was granted citizen rights in the

European States. The political emancipation of the Jews

was

the beginning of an attack of delirium. For thereby they

were given full citizen rights and equality to a people

which

was much more clearly and definitely a race apart than

all

others, that has always formed and will form a State

within

the State. That did not happen perhaps at one blow, but

it

came about as things come about today and always do

come about: first a little finger, then a second and a

third,

and so bit by bit until at last a people that in the

eighteenth

century still appeared completely alien had won equal

citizen-rights with ourselves.

And it was precisely the same in the economic sphere.

The

vast process of the industrialization of the peoples

meant

the confluence of great masses of workmen in the

towns.

Thus great hordes of people arose, and these, more's the

pity, were not properly dealt with by those whose moral

duty it was to concern themselves for their welfare.

Parallel

with this was a gradual

'moneyfication' of the whole of the nation's

laborstrength.

'Share-capital'

was in the ascendant, and thus bit by bit the Stock

Exchange came to control the whole national economy.

The directors of these institutions were, and are without

exception, Jews. I say 'without exception,' for the few

non-

Jews who had a share in them are in the last resort

nothing

but screens, shop-window Christians, whom one needs

in

order, for the sake of the masses, to keep up the

appearance that these institutions were after all founded

as

a natural outcome of the needs and the economic life of

all

peoples alike, and were not, as was the fact, institutions

which correspond only with the essential characteristics

of

the Jewish people and are the outcome of those

characteristics.

to divide into two halves, into West Europe and Central

and

Eastern Europe. At first Western Europe took the lead in

the

process of industrialization. Especially in England

crowds of

farm laborers, sons of farmers, or even ruined farmers

themselves, streamed into the towns and there formed a

new fourth estate.

But here one fact is of more importance than we are

accustomed to admit: this England, like France, had

relatively few Jews. And the consequence of that was

that

the great masses, concentrated in the towns, did not

come

into immediate contact with this alien nation, and thus

feelings of aversion which must otherwise necessarily

have

arisen did not find sufficient nourishment for their

development. In the end the fifty or sixty thousand Jews

in

England - there was hardly that number in England then

-

with

supreme ease were able so to 'Europeanize' themselves

that

they remained hidden from the primitive eye of the

ordinary

member of the public and as

'Captains of Industry,' and especially as representatives

of

capital on a large scale, they could appear no longer as

foreigners but themselves became Englishmen.

This accounts for the fact that anti-Semitism in these

States

could never attain to any native vigor; for the same is

true

of France. And precisely for this reason in these

countries it

was possible to introduce the system which we have to

represent to ourselves under the concept of 'Democracy.'

There it was possible to create a State-form whose

meaning

could only be the mastery of the herd over the

intelligentsia,

the mastery over true energy through the dead weight of

massed numbers. In other words: it must be supremely

easy

for the Jewish intelligentsia, small in numbers and

therefore

completely hidden in the body of the British people, so

to

work upon the masses that the latter, quite unconscious

of

whom they were obeying, in the end did but serve the

purposes of this small stratum of society.

Through the press propaganda, through the use of the

organs of information, it was possible in England to

found

the great model parties.

Already in those early days they saw to it shrewdly that

here

were always two or three groups apparently hostile to

each

other, but in fact all hanging on a gold thread, the whole

designed to take account of a human characteristic - that

the longer a man possesses an object, the more readily

he

grows tired of it. He craves something new: therefore

one

needs two parties. The one is in office, the other in

opposition. When the one has played itself out, then the

opposition party comes into power, and the party which

has

had its day is now in its turn the opposition. After

twenty

years the new party itself has once more played itself

out

and the game begins afresh. In truth this is a highly

ingenious mill in which the interests of a nation are

ground

very small. As everyone knows, this system is given

some

such name as 'Self-Government of a People.'

Besides this we always find two great catchwords,

'Freedom'

and

'Democracy,' used, I might say, as signboards.

'Freedom':

under that term is understood, at least amongst those in

authority who in fact carry on the Government, the

possibility of an unchecked plundering of the masses of

the

people to which no resistance can be offered. The

masses

themselves naturally believe that under the term

'freedom'

they possess the right to a quite peculiar freedom of

motion

- freedom to move the tongue and to say what they

choose,

freedom to move about the streets, etc. A bitter

deception!

And the same is true of democracy. In general even in

the

early days both England and France had already been

bound

with the fetters of slavery.

With, I might say, a brazen security these States are

fettered with Jewish chains....

The master-stroke of the Jew was to claim the

leadership of the fourth estate: he founded the

Movement both of the Social Democrats and the

Communists. His policy was twofold: he had his

'apostles' in both political camps. Amongst the parties of

the Right he encouraged those features which were most

repugnant to the people - the passion for money,

unscrupulous methods in trade which were employed so

ruthlessly as to give rise to the proverb 'Business, too,

marches over corpses.' And the Jew attacked the parties

of the Right. Jews wormed their way into the families of

the upper classes: it was from the Jews that the latter

took their wives. The result was that in a short time it

was precisely the ruling class which became in its

character completely estranged from its own people.

It is clear that a nation's economic life depends upon the

strength of a national State: it does not live on such

phrases as 'Appeasement of the peoples' or 'Freedom of

the Peoples.'

At the moment when no people supports the economic

life of a nation, ready to give it its protection, at that

moment economic life collapses. The breaking in pieces

of a nation's strength is the end of a nation's prosperity,

the national existence must cease altogether.

And one can see constantly how wonderfully the Stock

Exchange Jew and the leader of the workers, how the

Stock Exchange organ and the journal of the workers,

co-operate. They both pursue one common policy and a

single aim. Moses Kohn on the one side encourages his

association to refuse the workers' demands, while his

brother Isaac in the factory incites the masses and

shouts, 'Look at them! they only want to oppress you!

Shake off your fetters....'

His brother takes care that the fetters are well and truly

forged. The Stock Exchange organ seeks without

intermission to encourage fevered speculation and

unparalleled corners in grain and in the food of the

people, while the workmen's newspaper lets off all its

guns on the masses, telling them that bread is dearer and

this, that, and the other is dearer: up Proletarians!

endure it no longer-down with . . .

How long can this process last? It means the utter

destruction not only of economic life, but of the people.

It is clear that all these apostles who talk their tongues

out of their heads, but who spend the night in the Hotel

Excelsior, travel in express trains, and spend their leave

for their health in Nice - these people do not exert their

energies for love of the people. No, the people is not to

profit, it shall merely be brought into dependence on

these men. The backbone of its independence, its own

economic life, is to be destroyed, that it may the more

surely relapse into the golden fetters of the perpetual

interest-slavery of the Jewish race. And this process will

end when suddenly out of the masses someone arises

who seizes the leadership, finds other comrades and

fans into flame the passions which have been held in

check and looses them against the deceivers.

That is the lurking danger, and the Jew can meet it in

one way only - by destroying the hostile national

intelligentsia. That is the inevitable ultimate goal of the

Jew in his revolution. And this aim he must pursue; he

knows well enough his economics brings no blessing:

his is

no master people: he is an exploiter: the Jews are a

people of robbers. He has never founded any

civilization, though he has destroyed civilizations by the

hundred. He possesses nothing of his own creation to

which he can point.

Jew cannot do. And because he cannot do it, therefore

all his revolutions must be 'international.' They must

spread as a pestilence spreads. He can build no State

and say 'See here, Here stands the State, a model for all.

Now copy us!' He must take care that the plague does

not die, that it is not limited to one place, or else in a

short time this plague-hearth would burn itself out. So

he is forced to bring every mortal thing to an

international expansion. For how long? Until the whole

world sinks in ruins and brings him down with it in the

midst of the ruins.

That process today in Russia is practically complete.

The whole of present-day Russia has nothing to show

beyond a ruined civilization, a colony ripe for

development through alien capital, and even this capital

in order to supply resources in labor for its practical

work must introduce Aryan intellects, since for this

again the Jew is useless. Here, too, he is all rapacity,

never satisfied. He knows no ordered economy, he

knows no ordered body of administrators. Over there in

Russia he is laying his hands on everything. They take

the noble's diamonds to help 'the People.' The diamonds

then stray into foreign societies and are no more seen.

He seizes to himself the treasures of the churches, but

not to feed the people: oh no! Everything wanders away

and leaves not a trace behind. In his greed he has

become quite senseless: he can keep hold of nothing: he

has only within him the instinct for destruction, and so

he himself collapses with the treasure that he has

destroyed.

It is a tragic fate: we have often grown excited over the

death of a criminal: if an anarchist is shot in Spain we

raise a mighty howl over 'the sacrifice of valuable

human blood' . . . and here in the East thirty million

human beings are being slowly martyred - done to

death, some on the scaffold, some by machine guns . . .

millions upon millions through starvation.... A whole

people is dying, and now we can perhaps understand

how it was possible that formerly all the civilizations of

Mesopotamia disappeared without a trace so that one

can only with difficulty find in the desert sand the

remains of these cities. We see how in our own day

whole countries die out under this scourge of God, and

we see how this scourge is threatening Germany, too,

and how with us our own people in mad infatuation is

contributing to bring upon itself the same yoke, the

same misery.

Who is behind this?

AND WHY IS EUROPE HOSTILE? WE SEE HOW

OVER THERE IN THIS OTHER EUROPE IT IS NOT

THE PEOPLES WHICH AGITATE AGAINST US, IT

IS THE SECRET POWER OF THE ORGANIZED

PRESS WHICH CEASELESSLY POURS NEW

POISON INTO THE HEARTS OF THESE PEOPLES.

And who are then these bandits of the press? The

brothers and the relatives of the publishers of our own

newspapers. And the capital source which provides the

energy which here - and there - drives them forward is

the Jewish dream of World Supremacy.

The Socialism in National Socialism:

Today all these folk cannot yet belong to a single party,

but, wherever you go, in Germany, yes almost in the

whole world, you find already millions of thinking men

who know that a State can be built only on a social

foundation and they know also that the deadly foe of

every social conception is the international Jew.

Every truly national idea is in the last resort social, i.e.,

he who is prepared so completely to adopt the cause of

his people that he really knows no higher ideal than the

prosperity of this - his own - people, he who has so

taken to heart the meaning of our great song

'Deutschland, Deutschland uber alles,' that nothing in

this world stands for him higher than this Germany,

people and land, land and people, he is a Socialist! And

he who in this people sympathizes with the poorest of

its citizens, who in this people sees in every individual a

valuable member of the whole community, and who

recognizes that this community can flourish only when

it is formed not of rulers and oppressed but when all

according to their capacities fulfill their duty to their

Fatherland and the community of the people and are

valued accordingly, he who seeks to preserve the native

vigor, the strength, and the youthful energy of the

millions of working men, and who above all is

concerned that our precious possession, our youth,

should not before its time be used up in unhealthy

harmful work - he is not merely a Socialist, but he is

also National in the highest sense of that word.

It is the teaching of these facts which appears to the

Jews as leaders of the Revolution today to constitute a

threatening danger. And it is precisely this which more

than anything else makes the Jew wish to get in his

blow as soon as possible. For one thing he knows quite

well: in the last resort there is only one danger which he

has to fear-and that danger is this young Movement.

Socialism in itself is anything but an international

creation.

As a noble conception it has indeed grown up

exclusively in

Aryan hearts: it owes its intellectual glories only to

Aryan

brains. It is entirely alien to the Jew.

The Jew will always be the born champion of private

capital

in its worst form, that of unchecked exploitation....

Voltaire,

as well as Rousseau, together with our German Fichte

and

many another - they are all without exception united in

their

recognition that the Jew is not only a foreign element

differing in his essential character, which is utterly

harmful

to the nature of the Aryan, but that the Jewish people in

itself stands against us as our deadly foe and so will

stand

against us always and for all time.

National Socialism has solved these problems. ... One

of these accomplishments [of National Socialism] is

above all the formation of a leadership of the Volk and

State that is as far removed from parliamentary

democracy as it is from a military dictatorship. In

National Socialism, the Volk has been given the

leadership which, as a party, has not only mobilized but

also organized the nation, and organized it such that the

supremely natural principle of selection would appear to

indicate that the continued existence of a secure political

leadership is guaranteed. And this is perhaps one of the

proudest chapters in the history of the past five years.

And when I now round out this picture of the upswing

of German life which I wish to show you, using only

very few proofs and figures taken from the huge number

available, I can find no closing more splendid than the

one illustrated in our increasing number of births! In the

year 1932, 970,000 children were born. This figure was

increasing annually and reached the mark of 1,270,000

in 1937. All told, since National Socialism took power,

approximately 1,160,000 more children have been

bestowed upon the German Volk! Not only are they a

reason for us to be proud of our German women; they

are also a reason to be grateful to our Providence. To

enable the nation to accomplish its incomparable work

in peace, 1,160,000 young new Volksgenossen were

bestowed upon it in the space of five years, living proof

of

the tremendous work of the National Socialist uplifting

of our Volk and the blessing of our Lord God.

Hitler would not tolerate drag queen story hour:

The National Socialist State is neither prudish nor

hypocritical. Still there are certain fundamental mores

which must be upheld in the interest of preserving the

biological health of the Volk. And we shall not allow

these to be altered. This State prosecutes pederasty and

child abuse as crimes to be punished by the law,

irrespective of who perpetrates them.

Now from people to land: In a lengthy address held on

January 3 at a Convention of the NSDAP on agricultural

policies in Munich, Hitler underlined the special

significance of the peasantry for the National Socialist

Movement. With a certain amount of bluntness, he

proclaimed that the theory of Blut and Boden (blood and

soil) applied not to domestic, but rather to foreign

policy. Here he was referring to the acquisition of new

land and soil which he had propagated in Mein Kampf.

On January 3, Hitler declared in part as follows: The

fulfillment of the fundamental idea of national policy

reawakened by National Socialism which is expressed

in the theory of Blut und Boden will be accompanied by

the most thorough and revolutionary reorganization

which has ever taken place.

Our demand for strengthening the basic racial principles

of our Volk, which this term signifies and which at the

same time includes safeguarding the existence of our

Volk in general, is also the determining factor in all of

the aims of National Socialist domestic and foreign

policy.

Once we have succeeded in purging and regenerating

our Volk, foreign countries will very soon realize that

they are confronted with a different Volk than hitherto.

And thus the prerequisites will be given for putting our

own land and soil in thorough order and securing the

life of the nation on our own for long years to come.

The development in world economics and politics

which automatically leads to an increasing blockade

against our exports in international markets makes a

major, fundamental transposition an absolute necessity.

Even if today’s rulers shut their eyes to this fact, the

chronic cause of our grave economic need and appalling

unemployment is nevertheless an indisputable reality.

Either we eliminate this cause and accomplish the

required reorganization with vigor and energy in good

time, or fate will bring it about by force and destroy our

Volk. If we succeed in putting the basic principle of Blut

und Boden into practice at home and abroad, then for

the first time we, as a Volk, will not be tossed at the

mercy of events, but rather will then master

circumstances on our own.

Just as the peasant who sows each year must believe in

his harvest without knowing whether it may be

destroyed by wind and weather and his work remain

unrewarded, so must we too have the political courage

to do what necessarily must be done-regardless of

whether success is already in sight at the moment or not.

The German peasant in particular will understand even

more of our National Socialist struggle in future than

hitherto. But if the German peasant, the foundation and

life source of our Volk, is saved, then the entire nation

will once again be able to look ahead to the future with

confidence.

what we need if we are to have a real People's State is a

land reform.... We do not believe that the mere dividing

up of the land can by itself bring any alleviation. The

conditions of a nation's life can in the last resort be

bettered only through the political will to expansion.

Therein lies the essential characteristic of a sound

reform.

land [Grund und Boden], we must insist, cannot be

made an object for

speculation. Private property can be only that which a

man has gained for

himself, has won through his work. A natural product is

not private

property, that is national property. Land is thus no object

for bargaining.

Further, there must be a reform in our law. Our present

law regards only the

rights of the individual. It does not regard the protection

of the race, the

protection of the community of the people. It permits

the befouling of the

nation's honor and of the greatness of the nation. A law

which is so far

removed from the conception of the community of the

people is in need of

reform.

Further, changes are needed in our system of education.

We suffer today

from an excess of culture [Ueberbildung] Only

knowledge is valued. But

wiseacres are the enemies of action. What we need is

instinct and will.

Most people have lost both through their 'culture.' We

have, it is true, a

highly intellectual class, but it is lacking in energy. If,

through our

overvaluation of mechanical knowledge, we had not so

far removed

ourselves from popular sentiment, the Jew would never

have found his way

to our people so easily as he has done. What we need is

the possibility of a

continuous succession of intellectual leaders drawn

from the people itself.

Clear away the Jews! Our own people has genius

enough - we need no

Hebrews. If we were to put in their place intelligences

drawn from the great

body of our people, then we should have recovered the

bridge which leads

to the community of the people.

AGAIN, WE NEED A REFORM OF THE GERMAN

PRESS.

A press which is on principle anti-national cannot be

tolerated in Germany.

Whoever denies the nation can have no part in it. We

must demand that the

press shall become the instrument of the national

selfeducation.

FINALLY WE NEED A REFORM IN THE SPHERE

OF ART,

LITERATURE, AND THE THEATER. The

Government must see to it that

its people is not poisoned. There is a higher right which

is based on the

recognition of that which harms a people, and that

which harms a people

must be done away with.

And after this reform we shall come to recognize the

duty of selfpreservation.

A man who says: 'I deny that I have a right to defend my

personal life' has thereby denied his right to exist. TO

BE A PACIFIST

ARGUES A LACK OF CONVICTION, A LACK OF

CHARACTER. For

the pacifist is indeed ready enough to claim the help of

others, but himself

declines to defend himself. It is precisely the same with

a people. A people

which is not prepared to protect itself is a people

without character. We

must recover for our people as one of its most

elementary principles the

recognition of the fact that a man is truly man only if he

defends and

protects himself, that a people deserves that name only

if in case of

necessity it is prepared as a people to enter the lists.

That is not militarism,

that is self-preservation.

THEREFORE WE NATIONAL SOCIALISTS STAND

FOR

COMPULSORY MILITARY SERVICE FOR EVERY

MAN. If a State is

not worth that - then away with it! Then you must not

complain if you are

enslaved. But if you believe that you must be free, then

you must learn to

recognize that no one gives you freedom save only your

own sword. What

our people needs is not leaders in Parliament, but those

who are determined

to carry through what they see to be right before God,

before the world, and

before their own consciences - and to carry that through,

if need be, in the

teeth of majorities. And if we succeed in raising such

leaders from the body

of our people, then around them once again a nation will

crystallize itself...

we shall consolidate the Movement internally as the

source of our power and, in the spirit of the Movement,

we shall continue to inculcate in the minds of the

German people the ideal of a true community ... a

social order which, inasmuch as it brings before the

individuals constituting it the importance of the people

as a whole, thereby creates a sense of duty towards the

community and in that way enhances the life of the

individual.

It generally happens that when a nation more or less

neglects the cultural side of its existence we have a

correspondingly low standard of living and more

widespread poverty. Human progress first began and

continues to develop through a labour-saving procedure

whereby the amount of work hitherto thought

indispensable to produce the necessities of life is

lessened and a portion of it transferred to domains

which are being newly opened and which are accessible

only to a small number of people who are materially and

intellectually equipped for such new energies.

As the embellishment of life, Art follows the same

route. But on that account it cannot by any means be

termed a “capitalist” tendency. On the contrary, all the

great cultural achievements in the history of mankind

have been the product of those forces which spring from

the feeling of communion in the social group, so that

such works may be said to originate in the community

itself. Hence they reflect in their genesis and final form

the spiritual life and ideals of the community.

Germany is Christian at heart:

The National Government perceives in the two

Christian confessions the most important factors for the

preservation of our Volkstum. It will respect any

contracts concluded between these Churches and the

Länder.

Their rights are not to be infringed upon. But the

Government expects and hopes that the task of working

on the national and moral regeneration of our Volk taken

on by the Government will, in turn, be treated with the

same respect.

It will face all of the other confessions with objective

fairness. However, it cannot tolerate that membership in

a certain confession or a certain race could mean being

released from general statutory obligations or even

constitute a license for committing or tolerating crimes

which go unpunished. The Government’s concern lies in

an honest coexistence between Church and State; the

fight against a materialist Weltanschauung and for a

genuine Volksgemeinschaft equally serves both the

interests of the German nation and the welfare of our

Christian faith.

Our legal institutions must above all work to preserve

this Volksgemeinschaft. The irremovability of the

judges on the one hand must ensure a flexibility in their

judgments for the welfare of society on the other.

Not the individual but the Volk as a whole must be the

focal point of legislative efforts. In future, high treason

and betrayal of the Volk (Landes- und Volksverrat) will

be ruthlessly eradicated. The foundations on which the

judiciary is based can be none other than the

foundations on which the nation is based. Thus may the

judiciary always take into consideration the difficult

burden of decision carried by those who bear the

responsibility for shaping the life of the nation under the

harsh dictates of reality.

We certainly cannot conceive of the foundation of the

German State without realising that the States which

had existed in the pre-Christian classical era were

present as prototypes in the mind of Europe at this

particular stage of history. Without these models and

without the common ground of union which was found

in the spiritual teachings of Christianity, the formation

of a German State at that era cannot be imagined. Were

it not for those factors the destiny of Europe and indeed

the rest of the world, as far as concerns the white races,

was then unthinkable and even today we could not

picture it to ourselves.

In contrast to the strongly divergent tendencies of the

various German tribes, Christianity supplied a unifying

principle which organised them in the first community

in which they were in anyway conscious of a common

destiny and which also had an outward and visible form

for them. Thus it furnished a religious and philosophical

basis on which it was possible to organise those tribes

into a political State. Christianity, which supplied the

religious and moral plane on which the German tribes

could be brought together in a higher unity. What had to

disappear did disappear; because our people had to

develop into a distinctly defined and powerful and much

larger political organisation than those various tribal

entities which constituted only a confused and

incoherent mass. Only thus could racial unity be

attained. But this did not last long before a process of

decadence set in here also. For, after Christianity broke

up into conflicting denominations which disintegrated

the religious foundation of the State, the spirit of the

French Revolution undermined the monarchical

foundation.

The Ferment of Decomposition - to use the expression

which Mommsen applied to Judaism - began to

appropriate the idea of a social conscience based on the

racial bond and transformed it into an illogical and

noxious contradiction, which finally took the form of

Marxist socialism.

Our answer is still the same one we gave our internal

enemies of yore. You know, my old Party comrades, that

our victory in 1933 was not an easy one. It was an

incredible struggle that was waged for almost 15 years;

an almost futile struggle. Because you must imagine,

my Party comrades, that we did suddenly receive a large

following from fate. A handful of people started this.

And these people painfully first secured their positions

and then enlarge them. A handful of people turned into

100, then 1,000, and then 10,000 and 100,000 and

finally the first million was reached. And then this

evolved to two million, then three and four. We grew

during an ongoing war against a thousand enemies and

attacks and rapes and breaches of the law, and this

struggle made us strong, internally strong. And so, these

15 years after we took power, we know that this is not a

gift from heaven for someone that has not earned it, but

the reward for a unique struggle, a brave perseverance

in the struggle for power.

And when I, in the year 1933, was given this power and

took responsibility, along with the National Socialist

movement, for the German future, it became clear to me

that freedom would not be given lightly to our people. It

also became clear that the struggle was not finished;

instead, it was being waged on a larger scale. Because

our goal was not the triumph of the National Socialist

movement, but the liberation of our German people.

That was the goal.

Everything I have created since then is geared to this

goal. The Party, the Arbeitsfront, SA, SS, all other

organizations, the Wehrmacht, the army, the air force,

the navy, they exist not just to exist but to help fulfill

our goal. Securing the freedom of our German people

looms above everything else.

We have the strength to conquer that which the autumn

has

brought upon us. Our will is to be National Socialists -

not national in the current sense of the word - not

national by halves. We are National Socialist fanatics,

not dancers on the tight-rope of moderation!

There are three words which many use without a

thought which for us are no catch-phrases: Love, Faith,

and Hope. We National Socialists wish to love our

Fatherland, we wish to learn to love it, to learn to

love it jealously, to love it alone and to suffer no other

idol to stand by its side. We know only one

interest and that is the interest of our people.

We are fanatical in our love for our people, and we are

anxious that so-called 'national governments'

should be conscious of that fact. We can go as loyally as

a dog with those who share our sincerity, but

we will pursue with fanatical hatred the man who

believes that he can play tricks with this love of ours.

We cannot go with governments who look two ways at

once, who squint both towards the Right and

towards the Left. We are straightforward: it must be

either love or hate.

We have faith in the rights of our people, the rights

which have existed time out of mind. We protest

against the view that every other nation should have

rights - and we have none. We must learn to make

our own this blind faith in the rights of our people, in

the necessity of devoting ourselves to the service

of these rights; we must make our own the faith that

gradually victory must be granted us if only we are

fanatical enough. And from this love and from this faith

there emerges for us the idea of hope. When

others doubt and hesitate for the future of Germany - we

have no doubts. We have both the hope and the

faith that Germany will and must once more become

great and mighty.

We have both the hope and the faith that the day will

come on which Germany shall stretch from

Koenigsberg to Strassburg, and from Hamburg to

Vienna.

We have faith that one day Heaven will bring the

Germans back into a Reich over which there shall be

no Soviet star, no Jewish star of David, but above that

Reich there shall be the symbol of German labor -

the Swastika. And that will mean that the first of May

has truly come.

IT IS NOT FOR SEATS

IN PARLIAMENT THAT WE FIGHT, BUT WE WIN

SEATS IN PARLIAMENT IN ORDER THAT

ONE DAY WE MAY BE ABLE TO LIBERATE THE

GERMAN PEOPLE....

Do not write on your banners the word 'Victory': today

that word shall be uttered for the last time. Strike

through the word 'Victory' and write once more in its

place the word which suits us better - the word

'Fight.'

He who will not struggle will perish or become the slave

of those who do.

Fight indeed.

But for What? For Folk. For their Community of Good.

For the Children of our Common Race.

If the first of May is to be transferred in accordance

with ItS true meaning from the life of Nature to the life

of peoples, then it must symbolize the renewal of the

body of a people which has fallen into senility. And in

the life of peoples senility means internationalism. What

is born of senility? Nothing, nothing at all. Whatever in

human civilization has real value, that arose not out of

internationalism, it sprang from the soul of a single

people. When peoples have lost their creative vigor,

then they become international Everywhere, wherever

intellectual incapacity rules in the life of peoples, there

internationalism appears. And it is no chance that the

promoter of this cast of thought is a people which itself

can boast of no real creative force - the Jewish people....

So the first of May can be only a glorification of the

national creative will over against the conception of

international disintegration, of the liberation of the

nation's spirit and of its economic outlook from the

infection of internationalism. That is in the last resort

the question of the restoration to health of peoples . . .

and the question arises: Is the German oak ever destined

to see another springtime? And that is where the mission

of our Movement begins. We have the strength to

conquer that which the autumn has brought upon us.

Our will is to be National Socialists - not national in the

current sense of the word - not national by halves. We

are National Socialist fanatics, not dancers on the

tightrope

of moderation!

There are three words which many use without a

thought which for us are no catch-phrases: Love, Faith,

and Hope. We National Socialists wish to love our

Fatherland, we wish to learn to love it, to learn to love it

jealously, to love it alone and to suffer no other idol to

stand by its side. We know only one interest and that is

the interest of our people.

We are fanatical in our love for our people, and we are

anxious that so-called 'national governments' should be

conscious of that fact. We can go as loyally as a dog

with those who share our sincerity, but we will pursue

with fanatical hatred the man who believes that he can

play tricks with this love of ours. We cannot go with

governments who look two ways at once, who squint

both towards the Right and towards the Left. We are

straightforward: it must be either love or hate.

We have faith in the rights of our people, the rights

which have existed time out of mind. We protest against

the view that every other nation should have rights - and

we have none. We must learn to make our own this

blind faith in the rights of our people, in the necessity of

devoting ourselves to the service of these rights; we

must make our own the faith that gradually victory must

be granted us if only we are fanatical enough. And from

this love and from this faith there emerges for us the

idea of hope. When others doubt and hesitate for the

future of Germany - we have no doubts. We have both

the hope and the faith that Germany will and must once

more become great and mighty.

We have both the hope and the faith that the day will

come on which Germany shall stretch from

Koenigsberg to Strassburg, and from Hamburg to

Vienna.

We have faith that one day Heaven will bring the

Germans back into a Reich over which there shall be no

Soviet star, no Jewish star of David, but above that

Reich there shall be the symbol of German labor - the

Swastika. And that will mean that the first of May has

truly come.

Great are the tasks of our Movement for the coming

years. But the greatest task of all will be to make it as

clear as possible to our fighters, members, and followers

that this Party is not an end in itself, but merely a means

to an end.

They should realize that the organization, with all its

greatness and beauty, only has a purpose, and thus the

justification to exist, when it is the eternally

unforbearing and belligerent herald and advocate of the

National Socialist idea of a German Volksgemeinschaft

to come! Everything which this Movement calls its

own-its organizations, whether in the SA or the SS, in

the political leadership, or the organization of our

peasants and our youth-all of this can have only the

single purpose of fighting for this new Germany, in

which there will ultimately be no bourgeoisie and no

more proletarians, but only German Volksgenossen.

This is the greatest task with which our Volk has been

confronted for more than a thousand years.

The movement which accomplishes this task will

engrave its name for all eternity in the immortal book of

the history of our nation.

Volksgemeinschaft: that means a community of all

productive labor, that means the oneness of all vital

interests, that means overcoming bourgeois privatism

and the unionized, mechanically organized masses, that

means unconditionally equating the individual fate and

the nation, the individual and the Volk. a

Volksgemeinschaft in which innumerable millions of

people, from the National Socialist fighter to the soldier,

from the worker to the civil servant, are working

together in true comradeship to honestly fulfill their

duties in the reconstruction of a state and the education

of a nation whose wish it is to be full of honor, peaceful

and industrious in this world.

You shall help build and help work, and you shall be

proud, you shall be happy that you were able and

allowed to work together on the new German structure.

It is a wonderful thing to turn the word

Volksgemeinschaft into a reality. We shall now

accomplish what many centuries past have vainly

yearned for. ,,, In this hour I believe we can have but

one desire: let the other peoples cast a single glance in

here, let them only see this Volk of peace and labor and

I believe they would take those rabble-rousers and

throw them out! Then they would understand and

comprehend why this most sacred national community

is and will always be both the most sacred guarantor of

a genuinely European order and thus of a truly human

culture and civilization. Therefore, I ask you in this hour

to take heart and allow your spirit to gaze back upon the

past and share in feeling the good fortune we have come

to enjoy by virtue of having found our way back to one

community, to one Volk. And let us pledge our

dedication to this Volk .. the salvation of our Volk is not

a financial problem; it is exclusively a problem of

utilizing and employing the available work force on the

one hand and exploiting available soil and mineral

resources on the other.

The Volksgemeinschaft does not subsist on the fictitious

value of money but on actual production, which gives

money its value. This production is the primary cover

for a currency, not a bank or a vault full of gold! And

when I increase this production, I am actually increasing

the income of my fellow citizens; if I decrease

production, I decrease income, regardless of what

salaries are being paid out.

The purpose of the National Socialist idea-to put

together a Volksgemeinschaft by overcoming rank,

profession, class, and confession-is not fulfilled by

simply registering with a party. One can become a party

comrade by subscribing, but one can only become a

National Socialist by adapting one’s perception, by

urgently appealing to one’s own heart.

What is, therefore, more logical than for us to again

wholeheartedly pledge ourselves to our Volk on this day

of all days? We cannot renew this pledge often enough:

that we wish to belong to this Volk, that we wish to

serve it and will endeavor to understand one another;

that we wish to overcome all that divides us and thus

defeat the stupid doubters, the mockers and the

incessant little cavillers; that today above all we wish to

renew our faith in our Volk, our confidence that it is a

marvelous, competent, industrious, and decent Volk, and

that this Volk shall have its future because we are the

ones responsible for that future!

He who would lay hands upon us will encounter thorns

and barbs! For we love liberty just as we love peace.

We shall be free. We shall create our new order.

God Bless You all. Carry on the Struggle in all ways

every day.